KUALA LUMPUR: Lawyer Datuk V.K. Lingam should be found guilty of sedition and professional misconduct.
This was in the written submission of lawyer Karpal Singh to the Royal Commission of Inquiry at the end of the 17-day sitting.Karpal also said the video clip was authentic and that the person in the clip speaking on the phone was indeed Lingam.
He said evidence showed the man was Lingam based on the testimony of businessman Loh Mui Fah, Lingam's brother Thirunama Karasu and his former driver D. Ramachandran.
He said even the evidence by the Anti-Corruption Agency revealed that it was Lingam. Tycoon Tan Sri Vincent Tan also testified that the man looked and sounded like Ling-am.
"This evidence confirms all probability that it was Lingam on the telephone and his conversation on the brokering of judicial appointments was seditious." Karpal is representing Internal Security Act detainee M. Manoharan.
Karpal also represented Da-tuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim in the former deputy prime minister's application to dismiss commission chairman Tan Sri Haidar Mohamed Noor from the panel."Sedition is defined as words uttered having a tendency to bring hatred or contempt or excite disaffection against the administration of justice"Lingam had also violated the Legal Profession Act, where he is liable to being struck off the rolls or being suspended for misconduct."Karpal said under the Sedition Act, a person can be fined a maximum of RM5,000 or be jailed for up to three years for the first offence.
Lingam in his testimony claimed that he did not remember brokering judicial appointments as reflected in the video clip."If I had referred to the then chief judge of Malaya Datuk Ahmad Fairuz Sheikh Abdul Halim, then I am sorry. But I was bull-******* and bragging.
"My house is my castle and I am the king of the house and can choose to talk rubbish when I am drunk," Lingam had said.Counsel for the parties are given until Monday to file their written submissions.The inquiry ended on Friday after 21 witnesses testified.
Among them were former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, former chief secretary to the government Tan Sri Samsudin Osman and Tourism Minister Datuk Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor.It also included three former chief justices: Tun Mohamed Eusoff Chin, Tun Mohamed Dzaiddin Abdullah and Ahmad Fairuz.
The commission has to submit the report to the Yang di- Pertuan Agong by March 11. - NST
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Malaysia Today
DID MAN CREATED GOD OR GOD CREATED MAN?
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Singapore Free Air TV - What does RTM and monopolist Media Prima provides to Indian community?
BOYCOTT MALAYSIAN TV STATIONS CAMPAIGN
Every day from Monday to Friday Singapore TV station (Vasantham) provides free programmes to Indian communities from 3.00 pm to 12.00 midnight
Every weekend, Saturday and Sunday the programmes starts at 1.00pm to 12.00 midnight.
Look at the contribution of Malaysian government TV (RTM), TV1 & TV2 serving Indian community in Malaysia.
Malaysian Monopolist Media Prima (TV3, NTV7, TV8 & TV9) serves "0" programmes for Indian community.
How shall we deal with these racists?
They are not bothered of the existence of Indian communities in Malaysia.
How does MIC deals with this problem? As usual no issue for them.
It is high time for Indians to demand for a FREE AIR TV station for their own community as they have been deprived by their own government to serve minority community.
Every day from Monday to Friday Singapore TV station (Vasantham) provides free programmes to Indian communities from 3.00 pm to 12.00 midnight
Every weekend, Saturday and Sunday the programmes starts at 1.00pm to 12.00 midnight.
Look at the contribution of Malaysian government TV (RTM), TV1 & TV2 serving Indian community in Malaysia.
Malaysian Monopolist Media Prima (TV3, NTV7, TV8 & TV9) serves "0" programmes for Indian community.
How shall we deal with these racists?
They are not bothered of the existence of Indian communities in Malaysia.
How does MIC deals with this problem? As usual no issue for them.
It is high time for Indians to demand for a FREE AIR TV station for their own community as they have been deprived by their own government to serve minority community.
If Singapore government is very concerned of minority community, why not Malaysian govt. Why Malaysian govt has to practice discriminative policies?
Vasantham: Singapore Channel E24 (Tamil)
All Indians in Malaysia should unite to overcome the discrimination towards Indians in Malaysia.
mi1 is going to highlight this issue until 13th General Election and till Indians in Malaysia been awarded a new TV station from Malaysian government.
Pak Lah encouraging Hindraf support
Let us first be very clear - being a Hindu does not have to mean belonging to the Hindu religion.
All Indians, irrespective of race, have always been referred to as ‘Hindu’ and this is a fact.
In Mandarin, one of the most widely-spoken languages in the world, the Indian is referred to as ‘Indo’.
India in the pre-colonial days was referred to as Hindustan and it even is today. The word ‘Indian’ is an Anglicised word for the people of Hindustan just like ‘Bombay’ and other Indian names were.
The Moguls referred to the people of India - both Hindu and Muslims - as Indus (the people of the land below the Indus Valley).
The Hindraf activities thus includes all Indians, even the Muslims, and the Christians of Indian origin.
I am told that many Malays also lend support to this organsiation except for the Umnoputras.
Now a peaceful rally is interpreted by the prime minister as the work of an ‘extremist’ group.
He had a golden opportunity to mend fences and sit down with the Hindu (Indian) community but instead referred to them as ‘extremist’ when they have made it so clear that they were coming in peace with children bearing flowers to appeal to him to release their parents held under the ISA.
This is the clearest indication that he, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, is not sincere about the Indian community. Had it been the Chinese, he would be the first to react and urgently try and mend fences.
The Malays who are against him are growing in numbers by the day because of his indifference.
This man has little or no care for Malaysians except for his son and son-in-law.
He went on further to say that these people, children included ,were there to disrupt the elections and thus were against democracy. Has our prime minister gone crazy? Does he know what democracy means?
This response of the leader of the BN can only mean one thing, - more support for the Hindraf.
The next time they are out on the streets, more Malaysians will join them and it is not going to be the Hindus (Indians) alone.
This PM does not deserve a second term and the only one way to do it is to reduce the majority of the BN significantly.
Xroy
Malaysiakini
All Indians, irrespective of race, have always been referred to as ‘Hindu’ and this is a fact.
In Mandarin, one of the most widely-spoken languages in the world, the Indian is referred to as ‘Indo’.
India in the pre-colonial days was referred to as Hindustan and it even is today. The word ‘Indian’ is an Anglicised word for the people of Hindustan just like ‘Bombay’ and other Indian names were.
The Moguls referred to the people of India - both Hindu and Muslims - as Indus (the people of the land below the Indus Valley).
The Hindraf activities thus includes all Indians, even the Muslims, and the Christians of Indian origin.
I am told that many Malays also lend support to this organsiation except for the Umnoputras.
Now a peaceful rally is interpreted by the prime minister as the work of an ‘extremist’ group.
He had a golden opportunity to mend fences and sit down with the Hindu (Indian) community but instead referred to them as ‘extremist’ when they have made it so clear that they were coming in peace with children bearing flowers to appeal to him to release their parents held under the ISA.
This is the clearest indication that he, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, is not sincere about the Indian community. Had it been the Chinese, he would be the first to react and urgently try and mend fences.
The Malays who are against him are growing in numbers by the day because of his indifference.
This man has little or no care for Malaysians except for his son and son-in-law.
He went on further to say that these people, children included ,were there to disrupt the elections and thus were against democracy. Has our prime minister gone crazy? Does he know what democracy means?
This response of the leader of the BN can only mean one thing, - more support for the Hindraf.
The next time they are out on the streets, more Malaysians will join them and it is not going to be the Hindus (Indians) alone.
This PM does not deserve a second term and the only one way to do it is to reduce the majority of the BN significantly.
Xroy
Malaysiakini
Korean scandal probe should be re-opened
The ACA has stopped the digging into Tourism Malaysia’s (TM) misused funds Korean scandal involving Toursim Minister Tengku Adnan Mansor.
The ACA's investigation trip to Seoul is cancelled. So we won’t know where the RM850,000 went and I’m sure the two involved TM officers are smiling. Maybe more people are smiling behind them too.
Adnan was implicated in the scandal but has since denied any involvement. Just after the TM scandal was exposed, the minister telephoned all TM directors directly wanting to know who were ‘the sources'. We will never know they were.
We are ordinary people and we know one of the minister’s jobs is the clear management of TM - not going around asking who the patriotic informers of the scandal were.
Last December Adnan's family had a three-week winter vacation in Japan and Korea.
Sightseeing, snow skiing, the works. Needless to say, expenses for the trip came up to roughly RM200,000.
We have to know who paid for this. Was it from Adnan's own pocket? By the ministry? Or by his business partners? Only the minister and his family will know.
Well, we can say easily the corruption classified as number one enemy of the Malaysia.
In the foreign countries, most allegations of corruption end up with cabinets and politicians sacked, having to resign, safely behind the bars, or even commit suicide.
But the corruption is still around us in Malaysia. Makes us so shameful to our next generations.
Last October, a TM advertising director made a trip to Korea. This person was supervising all the funds for TM’s advertising and promotion projects. Suddenly, he has now been transferred to another division.
Pak Lah, you have to instruct the ACA to proceed to Seoul and keep probing the TM headquarters here.
The Korean video scandal case is pretty serious but it’s just a tip of the iceberg.
If any of the involved officers are guilty, they should be fired and be made to repay whole amount of money they took. That, Pak Lah, is good governance.
Makan
Malaysiakini
The ACA's investigation trip to Seoul is cancelled. So we won’t know where the RM850,000 went and I’m sure the two involved TM officers are smiling. Maybe more people are smiling behind them too.
Adnan was implicated in the scandal but has since denied any involvement. Just after the TM scandal was exposed, the minister telephoned all TM directors directly wanting to know who were ‘the sources'. We will never know they were.
We are ordinary people and we know one of the minister’s jobs is the clear management of TM - not going around asking who the patriotic informers of the scandal were.
Last December Adnan's family had a three-week winter vacation in Japan and Korea.
Sightseeing, snow skiing, the works. Needless to say, expenses for the trip came up to roughly RM200,000.
We have to know who paid for this. Was it from Adnan's own pocket? By the ministry? Or by his business partners? Only the minister and his family will know.
Well, we can say easily the corruption classified as number one enemy of the Malaysia.
In the foreign countries, most allegations of corruption end up with cabinets and politicians sacked, having to resign, safely behind the bars, or even commit suicide.
But the corruption is still around us in Malaysia. Makes us so shameful to our next generations.
Last October, a TM advertising director made a trip to Korea. This person was supervising all the funds for TM’s advertising and promotion projects. Suddenly, he has now been transferred to another division.
Pak Lah, you have to instruct the ACA to proceed to Seoul and keep probing the TM headquarters here.
The Korean video scandal case is pretty serious but it’s just a tip of the iceberg.
If any of the involved officers are guilty, they should be fired and be made to repay whole amount of money they took. That, Pak Lah, is good governance.
Makan
Malaysiakini
Raja Nazrin: Courts are not theatres
PETALING JAYA (Feb 19, 2008): The courts should not be seen as a theatrical stage for the aristocrats armed with scripts written by directors nor should they become a field for political mileage, said Perak Regent Raja Dr Nazrin Shah.
In his keynote address at the 13th Certificate of Legal Practice (CLP) convocation in Putra World Trade Centre today, he emphasised that the court is an institution which guarantees justice.
It is where maltreatment gets defence, and it speaks one language – the upholding of truth and justice for the rich and poor, the high-ranking and the laymen, the powerful and those being led by them, he said.
“The legal practice is based on a high legal code of ethics that strengthens the democratic system in the country, provides an appropriate check and balance mechanism between the legislative powers, the executive powers and the judiciary, as written in the Federal Constitution,"aja Nasrin said.
“A fair legal system which has the people’s confidence is a pre-condition to ensure that the country’s peace is not threatened.
An impartial legal system is an effective instrument to keep the people away from seeking other damaging alternatives which can bring the country towards anarchy."
He said law practitioners should make examples of themselves and set standards to the people to respect the law and refrain from jeering the court.
“Practitioners must, at all times, uphold the court’s sanctity and prevent it from being deviated by the irresponsible," he said.
“Law does not bring meaning if it is only a compilation of sacred words in a code, enactment, and an act, and then steered with sinful acts disrespecting the profession.
“Legal values are set in the nobility of its implementation by those entrusted and respected with ensuring that the law is carried out."
Raja Nazrin also held that if sovereignty of law is upheld transparently and convincingly, it will be an important component to increase the confidence of those outside, especially foreign investors.
In the field of economy, he said capable and well-informed lawyers should be prepared to cross borders with the capability to offer services at an international level.
In doing so and garnering experience in the global arena, he said, the good name and integrity of legal services in Malaysia must be preserved to avoid prejudiced views upon the other practitioners in the country.
“This would demand legal professional bodies to introduce stringent criteria in ensuring this,” Raja Nazrin said, reminding the graduates that in their chase to realise their ambitions, they should ensure that the pathway chosen does not clash with values taught by faith and moral values of humanity.
He also told them to avoid being involved or caught in dishonest acts, including breach of trust, lies and bribery. - Sun
Posted by kasee
Malaysia Today
In his keynote address at the 13th Certificate of Legal Practice (CLP) convocation in Putra World Trade Centre today, he emphasised that the court is an institution which guarantees justice.
It is where maltreatment gets defence, and it speaks one language – the upholding of truth and justice for the rich and poor, the high-ranking and the laymen, the powerful and those being led by them, he said.
“The legal practice is based on a high legal code of ethics that strengthens the democratic system in the country, provides an appropriate check and balance mechanism between the legislative powers, the executive powers and the judiciary, as written in the Federal Constitution,"aja Nasrin said.
“A fair legal system which has the people’s confidence is a pre-condition to ensure that the country’s peace is not threatened.
An impartial legal system is an effective instrument to keep the people away from seeking other damaging alternatives which can bring the country towards anarchy."
He said law practitioners should make examples of themselves and set standards to the people to respect the law and refrain from jeering the court.
“Practitioners must, at all times, uphold the court’s sanctity and prevent it from being deviated by the irresponsible," he said.
“Law does not bring meaning if it is only a compilation of sacred words in a code, enactment, and an act, and then steered with sinful acts disrespecting the profession.
“Legal values are set in the nobility of its implementation by those entrusted and respected with ensuring that the law is carried out."
Raja Nazrin also held that if sovereignty of law is upheld transparently and convincingly, it will be an important component to increase the confidence of those outside, especially foreign investors.
In the field of economy, he said capable and well-informed lawyers should be prepared to cross borders with the capability to offer services at an international level.
In doing so and garnering experience in the global arena, he said, the good name and integrity of legal services in Malaysia must be preserved to avoid prejudiced views upon the other practitioners in the country.
“This would demand legal professional bodies to introduce stringent criteria in ensuring this,” Raja Nazrin said, reminding the graduates that in their chase to realise their ambitions, they should ensure that the pathway chosen does not clash with values taught by faith and moral values of humanity.
He also told them to avoid being involved or caught in dishonest acts, including breach of trust, lies and bribery. - Sun
Posted by kasee
Malaysia Today
Samy: Only Indians can decide if I go
KUALA LUMPUR (Feb 19, 2008): MIC president Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu took a swipe at those interfering in MIC politics, saying that whether he remains as president or steps down will be decided by the Indian community nationwide, not others.
“If the Indian community in the whole country decide they don’t want me, I’m prepared to go even now. I’m prepared ... but that decision must be made by the Indian community and not outsiders, because I represent the Indians in the government,” he said.
The embattled party president was asked to comment on talk that he was not favoured by a certain Barisan Nasional (BN) component party to continue to lead MIC and it was speculated that he may not be fielded on Sunday (Feb 24).
The eight-term Sungai Siput MP said this may be his last attempt at seeking re-election, adding that he would leave at an appropriate time.
“If I leave the party now, MIC will go into disarray. It is not that I am going to be there for 100 years … I won’t live to 100. Everyone has a time to go,” said Samy Vellu, 72, after officiating at the three-day Pan-Commonwealth conference on professional services trade in a hotel today.
The Kluang-born first contested the parliamentary seat in 1974 and has held the seat since then. He has been MIC president since March 22, 1981.
Samy Vellu was also asked whether the reports of attempts by groups to get physical with him, like preventing him from leaving after functions in several locations recently, was a signal or pressure for him to pave the way for younger people to lead the party.
In Butterworth last Saturday (Feb 16), his car was obstructed by a group of people from leaving the compound of a school where he had earlier attended a function as the group wanted to speak to him.
“That’s a great incident (in a cynical tone). Does it indicate they hate me? No, they don’t hate me. They only told me to ask the prime minister to release all the 180 people who were detained for taking part in illegal demonstrations.That’s all they said, they didn’t talk anything about politics,” he said.
He said newspapers are quick to publish front page articles when a party leader leaves but the fate of the party is of no concern to them.
“They will come back the next day and report the party is in disarray,” said Samy Vellu, referring to the vernacular newspapers which had been reporting on MIC and its leaders.
Samy Vellu was also asked if there was a rift between him and his deputy Datuk G. Palanivel.
“That’s good news (with a pinch of sarcasm). If you want to destroy a party, you must divide the leaders. A lot of people are trying to do that but we will not allow that to happen,” he said.
“I am an old man. I am 95 years old. I will hand over the party to the man next to me and go,” added Samy Vellu. - Sun
Posted by kasee
Malaysia Today
“If the Indian community in the whole country decide they don’t want me, I’m prepared to go even now. I’m prepared ... but that decision must be made by the Indian community and not outsiders, because I represent the Indians in the government,” he said.
The embattled party president was asked to comment on talk that he was not favoured by a certain Barisan Nasional (BN) component party to continue to lead MIC and it was speculated that he may not be fielded on Sunday (Feb 24).
The eight-term Sungai Siput MP said this may be his last attempt at seeking re-election, adding that he would leave at an appropriate time.
“If I leave the party now, MIC will go into disarray. It is not that I am going to be there for 100 years … I won’t live to 100. Everyone has a time to go,” said Samy Vellu, 72, after officiating at the three-day Pan-Commonwealth conference on professional services trade in a hotel today.
The Kluang-born first contested the parliamentary seat in 1974 and has held the seat since then. He has been MIC president since March 22, 1981.
Samy Vellu was also asked whether the reports of attempts by groups to get physical with him, like preventing him from leaving after functions in several locations recently, was a signal or pressure for him to pave the way for younger people to lead the party.
In Butterworth last Saturday (Feb 16), his car was obstructed by a group of people from leaving the compound of a school where he had earlier attended a function as the group wanted to speak to him.
“That’s a great incident (in a cynical tone). Does it indicate they hate me? No, they don’t hate me. They only told me to ask the prime minister to release all the 180 people who were detained for taking part in illegal demonstrations.That’s all they said, they didn’t talk anything about politics,” he said.
He said newspapers are quick to publish front page articles when a party leader leaves but the fate of the party is of no concern to them.
“They will come back the next day and report the party is in disarray,” said Samy Vellu, referring to the vernacular newspapers which had been reporting on MIC and its leaders.
Samy Vellu was also asked if there was a rift between him and his deputy Datuk G. Palanivel.
“That’s good news (with a pinch of sarcasm). If you want to destroy a party, you must divide the leaders. A lot of people are trying to do that but we will not allow that to happen,” he said.
“I am an old man. I am 95 years old. I will hand over the party to the man next to me and go,” added Samy Vellu. - Sun
Posted by kasee
Malaysia Today
RTM's proselytisation in bad taste
RTM has been very insensitive to the other races in this regard, considering the fact that the main aim of any government-backed radio and TV station is to foster peace, unity and goodwill in a multi-racial society such as ours. Instead, RTM has become a tool of the government to spread lies and the election propaganda of the ruling parties.
If ‘Angry Chinaman’ or anyone for that matter watches RTM2 frequently enough, he or she will always notice that the prime time serials are almost always about newly-converted Chinese Muslims. Usually they begin by showing how the person felt so much emptiness in his/her life prior to accepting the religion.
After much emotional and spiritual struggle, he/she became a Muslim. It will then show further struggles and challenges faced by this newly-converted Chinese in making his/her beliefs known to his/her family members and friends. The conclusion to these plots will be that everyone will accept and understand the new convert’s decision and he/she finds life so much more meaningful in his/her newfound faith.
There is nothing wrong in showing a person finding a meaning to his/her life through a newfound faith. My question is, why only limit it to only one religion(Islam)? Why is the government using so much taxpayers money to push a religion that is professed by less than one percent of the Chinese community?
This is not only limited to RTM2. Radio5 (Ai FM) has also become a tool for proselytisation by the government. The five daily Muslim calls to prayer are broadcast daily in Chinese without fail. For the benefit of those who do not tune in to AiFM, there are also weekly khutbah (sermon) in Mandarin by the station too.
I would not be surprised that in future, there will be testimonies and talk shows by new Muslim Chinese converts. While I believe it's the right of Muslims to proselytise, we would also like some form of respect for our rights too. Recently, the mosque near my house started broadcasting a sermon every Thursday night for the whole neighbourhood to listen.
I have absolute no issue if all if proselytisation (in any language) is done by a private television or radio station since they are privately funded and religious freedom (for non-Muslims) is guaranteed by our constitution.
But propaganda through state-owned radio and tv stations makes me feel as though I am living in a communist state! Personally, I find such state-sponsored proselytisation in bad taste and a complete abuse by the government.
I have always believed that whatever is owned by the government is also owned by the rakyat. As such,
Does the information ministry seriously think that it is doing us a favour by promoting one single religion to us?
Does the ministry think that we welcome this bombardment of Islamic proselytisation through TV movies and radio shows?
Source
Malaysiakini
If ‘Angry Chinaman’ or anyone for that matter watches RTM2 frequently enough, he or she will always notice that the prime time serials are almost always about newly-converted Chinese Muslims. Usually they begin by showing how the person felt so much emptiness in his/her life prior to accepting the religion.
After much emotional and spiritual struggle, he/she became a Muslim. It will then show further struggles and challenges faced by this newly-converted Chinese in making his/her beliefs known to his/her family members and friends. The conclusion to these plots will be that everyone will accept and understand the new convert’s decision and he/she finds life so much more meaningful in his/her newfound faith.
There is nothing wrong in showing a person finding a meaning to his/her life through a newfound faith. My question is, why only limit it to only one religion(Islam)? Why is the government using so much taxpayers money to push a religion that is professed by less than one percent of the Chinese community?
This is not only limited to RTM2. Radio5 (Ai FM) has also become a tool for proselytisation by the government. The five daily Muslim calls to prayer are broadcast daily in Chinese without fail. For the benefit of those who do not tune in to AiFM, there are also weekly khutbah (sermon) in Mandarin by the station too.
I would not be surprised that in future, there will be testimonies and talk shows by new Muslim Chinese converts. While I believe it's the right of Muslims to proselytise, we would also like some form of respect for our rights too. Recently, the mosque near my house started broadcasting a sermon every Thursday night for the whole neighbourhood to listen.
I have absolute no issue if all if proselytisation (in any language) is done by a private television or radio station since they are privately funded and religious freedom (for non-Muslims) is guaranteed by our constitution.
But propaganda through state-owned radio and tv stations makes me feel as though I am living in a communist state! Personally, I find such state-sponsored proselytisation in bad taste and a complete abuse by the government.
I have always believed that whatever is owned by the government is also owned by the rakyat. As such,
Does the information ministry seriously think that it is doing us a favour by promoting one single religion to us?
Does the ministry think that we welcome this bombardment of Islamic proselytisation through TV movies and radio shows?
Source
Malaysiakini
Malaysian churches campaign for religious freedom in elections
Malaysia's churches are wading cautiously into politics by urging Christians to vote for candidates in next month's general elections who champion religious freedom in the Muslim-majority society.
The call illustrates growing concern among religious minorities who feel their rights are being eroded by a rise in Islamic fervor, which many blame on overzealous Muslim bureaucrats in Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's government.
Churches began handing out brochures last weekend urging Christians to examine the platforms and records of political parties on "freedom of religion, conscience and speech" before casting their ballots in March 8 national elections.
"We want to hold every politician accountable," Hermen Shastri, executive secretary of the Christian Federation of Malaysia, said Monday. "Many people may not vote for representatives who won't speak up" for religious rights, he said. The federation includes the Protestant Christian Council of Malaysia, Roman Catholics and the National Evangelical Fellowship.
Although some churches have made similar calls in the past, many Christians are particularly concerned about the outcome of these elections because of what they regard as "the trend of Islamization and how that is affecting other religious communities," Shastri said.
He stressed that churches remain nonpartisan, and that the campaign is not an endorsement of secular opposition parties, which accuse the government of allowing religious discrimination to strain decades of multiethnic harmony.
About 60 percent of Malaysia's 27 million people are ethnic Malay Muslims. The rest are mainly Christians, Buddhists and Hindus from the ethnic Chinese and Indian communities.
The Christian federation is working with its Buddhist and Hindu counterparts, which may distribute similar pamphlets at temples, Shastri said.
Minorities have been upset by recent developments such as a government ban on the word "Allah" in Malay-language Christian literature, the demolition of Hindu temples and court judgments favoring Muslims in disputes with non-Muslims.
Prime Minister Abdullah assured minorities Sunday he was "honest and fair" with all religions.
"Of course, there are minor misunderstandings," Abdullah said a speech to Chinese voters. "What is important is that we are willing to talk and solve our problems together."
Teresa Kok, a lawmaker representing the opposition Democratic Action Party, said the church initiative "will definitely help to create some political awareness," but may not swing large amounts of support to the opposition.
Many Christians, especially in urban, middle-class populations, traditionally support Abdullah's National Front coalition because they "don't want to rock the boat," Kok said.
The National Front consists of 14 parties representing various ethnic groups. The coalition, which has governed since 1957, is expected to easily retain power but with a lower parliamentary majority because of religious tensions and complaints over inflation, crime and corruption.
By SEAN YOONG,Associated Press Writer
Posted by Raja Petra
Malaysia Today
The call illustrates growing concern among religious minorities who feel their rights are being eroded by a rise in Islamic fervor, which many blame on overzealous Muslim bureaucrats in Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's government.
Churches began handing out brochures last weekend urging Christians to examine the platforms and records of political parties on "freedom of religion, conscience and speech" before casting their ballots in March 8 national elections.
"We want to hold every politician accountable," Hermen Shastri, executive secretary of the Christian Federation of Malaysia, said Monday. "Many people may not vote for representatives who won't speak up" for religious rights, he said. The federation includes the Protestant Christian Council of Malaysia, Roman Catholics and the National Evangelical Fellowship.
Although some churches have made similar calls in the past, many Christians are particularly concerned about the outcome of these elections because of what they regard as "the trend of Islamization and how that is affecting other religious communities," Shastri said.
He stressed that churches remain nonpartisan, and that the campaign is not an endorsement of secular opposition parties, which accuse the government of allowing religious discrimination to strain decades of multiethnic harmony.
About 60 percent of Malaysia's 27 million people are ethnic Malay Muslims. The rest are mainly Christians, Buddhists and Hindus from the ethnic Chinese and Indian communities.
The Christian federation is working with its Buddhist and Hindu counterparts, which may distribute similar pamphlets at temples, Shastri said.
Minorities have been upset by recent developments such as a government ban on the word "Allah" in Malay-language Christian literature, the demolition of Hindu temples and court judgments favoring Muslims in disputes with non-Muslims.
Prime Minister Abdullah assured minorities Sunday he was "honest and fair" with all religions.
"Of course, there are minor misunderstandings," Abdullah said a speech to Chinese voters. "What is important is that we are willing to talk and solve our problems together."
Teresa Kok, a lawmaker representing the opposition Democratic Action Party, said the church initiative "will definitely help to create some political awareness," but may not swing large amounts of support to the opposition.
Many Christians, especially in urban, middle-class populations, traditionally support Abdullah's National Front coalition because they "don't want to rock the boat," Kok said.
The National Front consists of 14 parties representing various ethnic groups. The coalition, which has governed since 1957, is expected to easily retain power but with a lower parliamentary majority because of religious tensions and complaints over inflation, crime and corruption.
By SEAN YOONG,Associated Press Writer
Posted by Raja Petra
Malaysia Today
Hindraf rose rally in LOS ANGELES on Feb 16, 2008
Anwar criticises M'sia govt over rally crackdown
FORMER Malaysian deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim on Sunday criticised the authorities for using water cannon and teargas against ethnic Indians protesting against alleged discrimination.
Saturday's rally was the latest in a series of street demonstrations that have rocked this multicultural nation as political parties manoeuvre to win the hearts and minds of voters ahead of general elections on March 8.
More than 300 people defied a police ban, gathering in downtown Kuala Lumpur to present roses to Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and protest against alleged discrimination before police fired tear gas and water cannon to break up the rally.
'This is clearly a police state,' Dr Anwar told AFP.
'I mean a group marching peacefully to present flowers to the prime minister, what kind of treatment did the government give to these people?' he asked.
'It was very high-handed,' said the de facto opposition leader.
Police detained 200 people in scuffles during the rally and later outside a Hindu temple nearby, the capital's police chief Muhammad Sabtu Osman told the official Bernama news agency.
Most have since been released but lawyers claimed a female protestor - one of nine who are being held till Monday - was abused in custody.
'
While being detained, she said she was beaten up by the police,' lawyer Gobind Singh, who is representing the nine, told AFP.
'Although she was in pain, she did not receive any medical treatment,' he added.
'
These are not hardened criminals, they are normal people and should not have to face such violence at the hands of the police while in detention,' said Mr Singh, who is contesting as an opposition candidate in the upcoming polls.
Mr Abdullah has condemned the protests, saying it was an attempt to disrupt the elections, Bernama reported.
'People who disrupt the elections do not respect the democratic process,' he told Bernama. 'When there is disorder, the people do not come out to vote for fear of getting caught in fights,' he added.
The protest comes after the detention of five leaders of the Indian rights group Hindraf who enraged the government in November by leading a rally protesting at alleged discrimination against Indians.
The protest highlighted the grievances of Malaysia's Indians - descendants of labourers brought over by British colonial rulers in the 1800s - who say they are marginalised in terms of education, wealth and opportunities.
Mr Abdullah has said that street protests and anger within the Indian community could have an impact on how the government fares in the general elections.
Mr Abdullah is head of the United Malays National Organisation-led multi-ethnic coalition that has ruled Malaysia since independence from Britain in 1957.
Although his party is expected to win the March election, analysts say a slew of issues including rising prices, corruption and religious as well as racial tensions could cut the government's majority in parliament. -- AFP
Malaysia Today
Saturday's rally was the latest in a series of street demonstrations that have rocked this multicultural nation as political parties manoeuvre to win the hearts and minds of voters ahead of general elections on March 8.
More than 300 people defied a police ban, gathering in downtown Kuala Lumpur to present roses to Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and protest against alleged discrimination before police fired tear gas and water cannon to break up the rally.
'This is clearly a police state,' Dr Anwar told AFP.
'I mean a group marching peacefully to present flowers to the prime minister, what kind of treatment did the government give to these people?' he asked.
'It was very high-handed,' said the de facto opposition leader.
Police detained 200 people in scuffles during the rally and later outside a Hindu temple nearby, the capital's police chief Muhammad Sabtu Osman told the official Bernama news agency.
Most have since been released but lawyers claimed a female protestor - one of nine who are being held till Monday - was abused in custody.
'
While being detained, she said she was beaten up by the police,' lawyer Gobind Singh, who is representing the nine, told AFP.
'Although she was in pain, she did not receive any medical treatment,' he added.
'
These are not hardened criminals, they are normal people and should not have to face such violence at the hands of the police while in detention,' said Mr Singh, who is contesting as an opposition candidate in the upcoming polls.
Mr Abdullah has condemned the protests, saying it was an attempt to disrupt the elections, Bernama reported.
'People who disrupt the elections do not respect the democratic process,' he told Bernama. 'When there is disorder, the people do not come out to vote for fear of getting caught in fights,' he added.
The protest comes after the detention of five leaders of the Indian rights group Hindraf who enraged the government in November by leading a rally protesting at alleged discrimination against Indians.
The protest highlighted the grievances of Malaysia's Indians - descendants of labourers brought over by British colonial rulers in the 1800s - who say they are marginalised in terms of education, wealth and opportunities.
Mr Abdullah has said that street protests and anger within the Indian community could have an impact on how the government fares in the general elections.
Mr Abdullah is head of the United Malays National Organisation-led multi-ethnic coalition that has ruled Malaysia since independence from Britain in 1957.
Although his party is expected to win the March election, analysts say a slew of issues including rising prices, corruption and religious as well as racial tensions could cut the government's majority in parliament. -- AFP
Malaysia Today
Trust Pak Lah at your own risk
Malaysians, if we want to see a massive change in policies and to wipe-out inefficiency and corruption, we - together - need to vote for a new party to rule our government, or at least deny the BN a two-thirds majority.
But before you cast your vote, ask yourself:
Is our country presently led by a capable prime minister?
Does our leader possess a crystal-clear vision?
And is he able to establish a solid path for the future for the rakyat?
Our leader, Abdullah, promises everything, yet he accomplishes nothing. Here is a ‘leader’ who acts, not on the basis of firm convictions or a set of well-founded beliefs, but out of expediency and duplicity.
The story of his four-year rule is a story of economic mismanagement, poor public service performance, rampant corruption, rising crime rates, unemployment, inflation, wasteful public expenditures and a humiliating judicial scandal. It will be a major catastrophe for the nation if voters are again deceived by Abdullah's promises.
Recently, the mainstream newspapers reported the prime minister as saying, ‘It is God's will that I became the prime minister of Malaysia and I am very conscious that I have to serve the people, although I personally do not benefit even one sen because of this ... Some of you can say that I'm not good, you can say whatever. But don't say that I don't work. ... I work very hard. I really mean it and you know it’.
This seems to illustrate that our prime minister is trying his best to gain the respect of the rakyat after being branded a ‘sleeping prime minister'.
We hear of corridors being opened throughout our country, we hear of the Second Penang Bridge.
But we also hear of rampant corruption and abuses of power - we hear that his defence minister and his cronies earned huge commissions from the purchases of two French-made submarines and Russian jet fighters.
And we hear about huge contracts for his son and son-in-law.
So do you believe him when he says he did not benefit even a single sen from his position as prime minister? Yes, yes - he did not earn even a single sen.
People wanted to give him money, but he didn’t need it. Then why didn’t he report those who wanted to give him money to the Anti-Corruption Agency?
I think only his son, son-in-law, daughter and cronies received money. God only knows, he is still Mr Clean. He has no reason to change
And can you believe what Abdullah says about unity? He appeals to all of us to unite, yet he is solely responsible for the mounting racial tension and religious intolerance in our country.
This same person, as president of Umno, allowed Hishamuddin Onn and his son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, to display the most crude form of Malay nationalism - the use of the Malay keris.
This is the same man who unleashed the power of the police on the Indians and used the draconian ISA on Hindraf’s leaders.
Beware of a man who promises you everything because such a person delivers nothing.
Trust this man at your own risk.
If I asked average men on the street about the promises made in the last election through BN’s manifesto, nine out of 10 would not know what I was talking about.
The BN knows that Malaysians suffer from the mudah lupa syndrome. No wonder BN - for every election - can unleash great manifestos full of empty promises.
Malaysians, it's all in your hands.
Your vote will decide the future path of our country.
Concerned Malaysian
Malaysiakini
But before you cast your vote, ask yourself:
Is our country presently led by a capable prime minister?
Does our leader possess a crystal-clear vision?
And is he able to establish a solid path for the future for the rakyat?
Our leader, Abdullah, promises everything, yet he accomplishes nothing. Here is a ‘leader’ who acts, not on the basis of firm convictions or a set of well-founded beliefs, but out of expediency and duplicity.
The story of his four-year rule is a story of economic mismanagement, poor public service performance, rampant corruption, rising crime rates, unemployment, inflation, wasteful public expenditures and a humiliating judicial scandal. It will be a major catastrophe for the nation if voters are again deceived by Abdullah's promises.
Recently, the mainstream newspapers reported the prime minister as saying, ‘It is God's will that I became the prime minister of Malaysia and I am very conscious that I have to serve the people, although I personally do not benefit even one sen because of this ... Some of you can say that I'm not good, you can say whatever. But don't say that I don't work. ... I work very hard. I really mean it and you know it’.
This seems to illustrate that our prime minister is trying his best to gain the respect of the rakyat after being branded a ‘sleeping prime minister'.
We hear of corridors being opened throughout our country, we hear of the Second Penang Bridge.
But we also hear of rampant corruption and abuses of power - we hear that his defence minister and his cronies earned huge commissions from the purchases of two French-made submarines and Russian jet fighters.
And we hear about huge contracts for his son and son-in-law.
So do you believe him when he says he did not benefit even a single sen from his position as prime minister? Yes, yes - he did not earn even a single sen.
People wanted to give him money, but he didn’t need it. Then why didn’t he report those who wanted to give him money to the Anti-Corruption Agency?
I think only his son, son-in-law, daughter and cronies received money. God only knows, he is still Mr Clean. He has no reason to change
And can you believe what Abdullah says about unity? He appeals to all of us to unite, yet he is solely responsible for the mounting racial tension and religious intolerance in our country.
This same person, as president of Umno, allowed Hishamuddin Onn and his son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, to display the most crude form of Malay nationalism - the use of the Malay keris.
This is the same man who unleashed the power of the police on the Indians and used the draconian ISA on Hindraf’s leaders.
Beware of a man who promises you everything because such a person delivers nothing.
Trust this man at your own risk.
If I asked average men on the street about the promises made in the last election through BN’s manifesto, nine out of 10 would not know what I was talking about.
The BN knows that Malaysians suffer from the mudah lupa syndrome. No wonder BN - for every election - can unleash great manifestos full of empty promises.
Malaysians, it's all in your hands.
Your vote will decide the future path of our country.
Concerned Malaysian
Malaysiakini
Pressure mounts on Samy to quit
Several MIC leaders are quietly worried that party president S Samy Vellu has become a liability to them and should be replaced soon.
However they are clueless as to how they can convince him to step down from his party and government posts.Samy Vellu, also the works minister, looks set to contest for the Sungai Siput constituency in the March 8 general election, a seat which he retained since 1974. He has been the party president for the past 29 years.
“Recently we see that many members of the community have been publicly vocal in blaming Samy Vellu for the failures of the community,” said a party veteran.“The community’s anger has been escalating since the Nov 25 Hindraf rally.
First it was against the government, and then it was against MIC but now it is increasingly more against Samy Vellu,” he added.He cited the incident in Butterworth last night when a group of angry Indians confronted Samy Vellu, demanding him to be answerable to the police action taken against supporters of Hindu Rights Action Force in Kuala Lumpur earlier in the day.
The group blocked Samy Vellu’s car from leaving after a function and jeered him for being unable to help the community. Samy Vellu was stuck in his car for more than 30 minutes and was only ‘rescued’ by a team of police outriders.
“This is not the first time the crowd had openly faced Samy Vellu in the public, asking him to explain why the community had failed,” said the leader.The Butterworth incident was the second such incident in the past one week.
Earlier in the week, Samy Vellu was also similarly surrounded and heckled by some youths during the foundation laying ceremony for a Tamil school in Selangor.
Another group of some 30 people also held placards opposing Samy Vellu at the same function.The police had to be called in to escort the veteran politician from the area.“And I am sure this is not going to end with these two incidents. The anger on the ground in not going away. In fact, it is increasing. We realise this but the party can only put a brave face and claim that we can counter them,” added another MIC division level leader who witnessed the Butterworth incident last night.
No sense of responsibility
M Mayilsamy was in the group of people who blocked Samy Vellu’s car last night. He said that the group was angry with the police action which sprayed water and fired teargas at Hindraf supporters in Kuala Lumpur yesterday morning.
“They were innocent people who had gathered to give roses to the prime minister. Not a single MIC leader spoke out against the police action.
We wanted to ask Samy Vellu on why he was not in support for calls for reform for the community“But he choose to remain silent in the car, and at one stage called the Hindraf supporters who were arrested by the police as criminals,” added Mayilsamy.“That got us angry. Criminals? These were normal folks who went to hand in roses to the PM. They weren’t armed.
How can Samy just label them as such. He has not sense of responsibility for the community,” he charged.Several MIC leaders contacted by Malaysiakini today refused to publicly comment on the police action on the Hindraf gathering. And they were afraid to comment on the mounting criticism against the party boss.
Ever since the Hindraf rally on Nov 25 which called for the government to redress the sidelining of the Indian community in this country, a simmering discontent has appeared among the Indian community over the performance of Samy Vellu. The grassroots feeling is that he has not done enough for the upliftment of the community.
Recently the government acknowledged that the community had legitimate grievance and had promised to overcome them.However the community’s anger has not dissipated, instead it has been channelled at Samy Vellu.
Mounting pressure
However until now MIC leaders have regrouped behind Samy Vellu, saying that only he can ensure that the government fulfills whatever demands that are made via MIC, the sole Indian representative in the government.In his defence, they have also said that Samy Vellu had never failed to ask the government to help uplift the community and blamed the government’s poor delivery system for the failures in the government programmes and aides reaching the community.
“But it does not look like the community is going to buy this. They want immediate government equality actions and feel that such actions need not be channelled through MIC,” said political observer and local government veteran M Pithchay.
“Samy Vellu can no longer go around the country and claim that he would get the government to uplift the community. No one will believe him. He has lost his credibility,” he added.Such sentiments are now slowly being admitted by MIC leaders. Openly they say that Samy Vellu should not contest in Sungai Siput. Privately they are wondering how to convince him to give up and leave.“Perhaps he should adhere to the prime minister’s remarks the other day that Samy Vellu might not put his name up as a candidate,” added a party leader.MIC Information Chief M Saravanan however was quick to defend his boss.“What will they achieve if he goes? Is he to be solely blamed for the failures of the community?” he asked.
But a large segment of the community believes that Samy Vellu’s departure would be a good start for the upliftment of the community as he comes under increasing pressure to do so in the run up to the elections.
K Kabilan
Malaysiakini
However they are clueless as to how they can convince him to step down from his party and government posts.Samy Vellu, also the works minister, looks set to contest for the Sungai Siput constituency in the March 8 general election, a seat which he retained since 1974. He has been the party president for the past 29 years.
“Recently we see that many members of the community have been publicly vocal in blaming Samy Vellu for the failures of the community,” said a party veteran.“The community’s anger has been escalating since the Nov 25 Hindraf rally.
First it was against the government, and then it was against MIC but now it is increasingly more against Samy Vellu,” he added.He cited the incident in Butterworth last night when a group of angry Indians confronted Samy Vellu, demanding him to be answerable to the police action taken against supporters of Hindu Rights Action Force in Kuala Lumpur earlier in the day.
The group blocked Samy Vellu’s car from leaving after a function and jeered him for being unable to help the community. Samy Vellu was stuck in his car for more than 30 minutes and was only ‘rescued’ by a team of police outriders.
“This is not the first time the crowd had openly faced Samy Vellu in the public, asking him to explain why the community had failed,” said the leader.The Butterworth incident was the second such incident in the past one week.
Earlier in the week, Samy Vellu was also similarly surrounded and heckled by some youths during the foundation laying ceremony for a Tamil school in Selangor.
Another group of some 30 people also held placards opposing Samy Vellu at the same function.The police had to be called in to escort the veteran politician from the area.“And I am sure this is not going to end with these two incidents. The anger on the ground in not going away. In fact, it is increasing. We realise this but the party can only put a brave face and claim that we can counter them,” added another MIC division level leader who witnessed the Butterworth incident last night.
No sense of responsibility
M Mayilsamy was in the group of people who blocked Samy Vellu’s car last night. He said that the group was angry with the police action which sprayed water and fired teargas at Hindraf supporters in Kuala Lumpur yesterday morning.
“They were innocent people who had gathered to give roses to the prime minister. Not a single MIC leader spoke out against the police action.
We wanted to ask Samy Vellu on why he was not in support for calls for reform for the community“But he choose to remain silent in the car, and at one stage called the Hindraf supporters who were arrested by the police as criminals,” added Mayilsamy.“That got us angry. Criminals? These were normal folks who went to hand in roses to the PM. They weren’t armed.
How can Samy just label them as such. He has not sense of responsibility for the community,” he charged.Several MIC leaders contacted by Malaysiakini today refused to publicly comment on the police action on the Hindraf gathering. And they were afraid to comment on the mounting criticism against the party boss.
Ever since the Hindraf rally on Nov 25 which called for the government to redress the sidelining of the Indian community in this country, a simmering discontent has appeared among the Indian community over the performance of Samy Vellu. The grassroots feeling is that he has not done enough for the upliftment of the community.
Recently the government acknowledged that the community had legitimate grievance and had promised to overcome them.However the community’s anger has not dissipated, instead it has been channelled at Samy Vellu.
Mounting pressure
However until now MIC leaders have regrouped behind Samy Vellu, saying that only he can ensure that the government fulfills whatever demands that are made via MIC, the sole Indian representative in the government.In his defence, they have also said that Samy Vellu had never failed to ask the government to help uplift the community and blamed the government’s poor delivery system for the failures in the government programmes and aides reaching the community.
“But it does not look like the community is going to buy this. They want immediate government equality actions and feel that such actions need not be channelled through MIC,” said political observer and local government veteran M Pithchay.
“Samy Vellu can no longer go around the country and claim that he would get the government to uplift the community. No one will believe him. He has lost his credibility,” he added.Such sentiments are now slowly being admitted by MIC leaders. Openly they say that Samy Vellu should not contest in Sungai Siput. Privately they are wondering how to convince him to give up and leave.“Perhaps he should adhere to the prime minister’s remarks the other day that Samy Vellu might not put his name up as a candidate,” added a party leader.MIC Information Chief M Saravanan however was quick to defend his boss.“What will they achieve if he goes? Is he to be solely blamed for the failures of the community?” he asked.
But a large segment of the community believes that Samy Vellu’s departure would be a good start for the upliftment of the community as he comes under increasing pressure to do so in the run up to the elections.
K Kabilan
Malaysiakini
Observations of a Malaysian Expat in Switzerland
Sunday, February 17, 2008
Rose violence:
Global demo against M'siaIndians across the world demonstrated outside the offices of Malaysian embassies and high commissions on Saturday to condemn the government and police, hours after tear gas and water cannons were fired in Kuala Lumpur at people bringing flowers to persuade Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi to release five Hindraf leaders from detention.
The demonstrations – which took place almost simultaneously in New York, Los Angeles, London, Belgium, Northern Island, Indonesia, New Zealand, New Delhi and Mumbai – were believed to be the first internationally-coordinated action in support of the Indian cause in Malaysia.
Although there were no more than a few dozen people protesting in each of the cities, their action underlined the growing disgust among Indians all over the world at Abdullah and his police force, said organisers.
"Which sicko of a prime minister would allow his police to fire tear gas and chemical-laced water at people trying to bring him flowers?" asked Anantha Paskaran, one of those who led the demonstration outside the Malaysian Consulate General's office in New York."
We talk about the Soviet Union, Chechnya and Burma when it comes to human rights violations," said Anantha. "What about this so-called moderate Muslim country Malaysia?
It has a police force than can rival the Gestapo and KGB".On Saturday, Malaysian police used teargas and water cannons to disperse about 300 Hindu Rights Action Force supporters who had gathered along Jalan Raja Laut to hand Abdullah hundreds of roses.Calling it a "rose protest", Hindraf had said it wanted to give the flowers to the premier, asking him, among others, to release the five Hindraf leaders held under the Internal Security Act.
The plan was initially to get a group of children to hand over the roses to Abdullah at Parliament.
That, however, fell through when police blockaded roads leading to Parliament, forcing the supporters to group at Jalan Raja Laut instead.
The police eventually arrested about 200 people and released all but nine whom they said defied repeated orders to disperse.
Abdullah, in an immediate reaction, labelled Hindraf as group of "extremists" out to disrupt general elections scheduled on March 8.
Mock coffin
Anantha said it was "most laughable" for the premier to link the incident with the upcoming polls in Malaysia.In what way can the Indians in Malaysia disrupt the electoral process that's underway?
They are minorities, marginalised in every sense of the word, and don't even have enough resource to fend for themselves, let alone disrupt a national election," he said.
The 51-year-old former Malaysian-turned-US citizen who runs a financial consultancy in Queens, New York, also appeared to pre-empt any possible remark by Abdullah that Indians outside of Malaysia had no business with what was happening in the country."
For the prime minister's information, I still have family members in Malaysia and they are paying income taxes too, so I have every right to speak on their behalf," Anantha said.He said the weather in New York was below 32 degrees Farenheit (0 degrees Celcius) on Saturday and those who turned up outside the Consulate General's office in Manhattan, including women and children, braved icy winds for nearly 2 hours."
We were freezing on the outside but we were burning on the inside at what's happening to our fellow Indians in Malaysia," Anantha said.In New York, demonstrators even brought a mock coffin for MIC President S Samy Vellu, who has been fiercely criticised for failing the Indian community.
A sign above the coffin read: "Samy Vellu – Traitor of Indian Malaysians, R.I.P. (Rest In Peace)."
In another interesting picture, five people also wore cut-out pictures of the faces of the five detained Hindraf leaders, holding up their wrists in a symbolic sign of incarceration.
A big shameAnd not all those who participated in the foreign demonstrations were Indians of Malaysian origin.
Fiona Lee, an ethnic Chinese from Malaysia, said in comments to Malaysiakini that she decided to join the protest in New York "because these are issues affecting all Malaysians.""To me, the marginalisation of the Indian community is very real," said the 25-year-old, who has lived in the United States for seven years now and is pursuing a doctorate in English at the City University of New York."
I grew up in Cheras and I belonged to a church group that used to visit Indian slums where the children had little access to education, food and even clothing," Lee said. "To say they are being equally treated is the biggest sham."
There were no officials from the Malaysian Consulate General's office in New York to receive any memorandums from the protesters. However several officials were seen snapping photographs of the protesting crowd.
Malaysian Indian Blogger Club
Rose violence:
Global demo against M'siaIndians across the world demonstrated outside the offices of Malaysian embassies and high commissions on Saturday to condemn the government and police, hours after tear gas and water cannons were fired in Kuala Lumpur at people bringing flowers to persuade Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi to release five Hindraf leaders from detention.
The demonstrations – which took place almost simultaneously in New York, Los Angeles, London, Belgium, Northern Island, Indonesia, New Zealand, New Delhi and Mumbai – were believed to be the first internationally-coordinated action in support of the Indian cause in Malaysia.
Although there were no more than a few dozen people protesting in each of the cities, their action underlined the growing disgust among Indians all over the world at Abdullah and his police force, said organisers.
"Which sicko of a prime minister would allow his police to fire tear gas and chemical-laced water at people trying to bring him flowers?" asked Anantha Paskaran, one of those who led the demonstration outside the Malaysian Consulate General's office in New York."
We talk about the Soviet Union, Chechnya and Burma when it comes to human rights violations," said Anantha. "What about this so-called moderate Muslim country Malaysia?
It has a police force than can rival the Gestapo and KGB".On Saturday, Malaysian police used teargas and water cannons to disperse about 300 Hindu Rights Action Force supporters who had gathered along Jalan Raja Laut to hand Abdullah hundreds of roses.Calling it a "rose protest", Hindraf had said it wanted to give the flowers to the premier, asking him, among others, to release the five Hindraf leaders held under the Internal Security Act.
The plan was initially to get a group of children to hand over the roses to Abdullah at Parliament.
That, however, fell through when police blockaded roads leading to Parliament, forcing the supporters to group at Jalan Raja Laut instead.
The police eventually arrested about 200 people and released all but nine whom they said defied repeated orders to disperse.
Abdullah, in an immediate reaction, labelled Hindraf as group of "extremists" out to disrupt general elections scheduled on March 8.
Mock coffin
Anantha said it was "most laughable" for the premier to link the incident with the upcoming polls in Malaysia.In what way can the Indians in Malaysia disrupt the electoral process that's underway?
They are minorities, marginalised in every sense of the word, and don't even have enough resource to fend for themselves, let alone disrupt a national election," he said.
The 51-year-old former Malaysian-turned-US citizen who runs a financial consultancy in Queens, New York, also appeared to pre-empt any possible remark by Abdullah that Indians outside of Malaysia had no business with what was happening in the country."
For the prime minister's information, I still have family members in Malaysia and they are paying income taxes too, so I have every right to speak on their behalf," Anantha said.He said the weather in New York was below 32 degrees Farenheit (0 degrees Celcius) on Saturday and those who turned up outside the Consulate General's office in Manhattan, including women and children, braved icy winds for nearly 2 hours."
We were freezing on the outside but we were burning on the inside at what's happening to our fellow Indians in Malaysia," Anantha said.In New York, demonstrators even brought a mock coffin for MIC President S Samy Vellu, who has been fiercely criticised for failing the Indian community.
A sign above the coffin read: "Samy Vellu – Traitor of Indian Malaysians, R.I.P. (Rest In Peace)."
In another interesting picture, five people also wore cut-out pictures of the faces of the five detained Hindraf leaders, holding up their wrists in a symbolic sign of incarceration.
A big shameAnd not all those who participated in the foreign demonstrations were Indians of Malaysian origin.
Fiona Lee, an ethnic Chinese from Malaysia, said in comments to Malaysiakini that she decided to join the protest in New York "because these are issues affecting all Malaysians.""To me, the marginalisation of the Indian community is very real," said the 25-year-old, who has lived in the United States for seven years now and is pursuing a doctorate in English at the City University of New York."
I grew up in Cheras and I belonged to a church group that used to visit Indian slums where the children had little access to education, food and even clothing," Lee said. "To say they are being equally treated is the biggest sham."
There were no officials from the Malaysian Consulate General's office in New York to receive any memorandums from the protesters. However several officials were seen snapping photographs of the protesting crowd.
Malaysian Indian Blogger Club
What The World Say On HINDRAF Rose Rally Plus Unseen Photos
“Police were too rough” said S Manikavasagam, a spokesman for the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf), the ethnic indian group that organised the protest. - Al Jazeera
“This is ridiculous … We just want to express our right to freely assemble,” said Hindraf member N. Surendran. “This is a massive campaign of intimidation.” - msnbc
More than 60 people — including two leaders of the Hindu Rights Action Force, or Hindraf, that organized the protest — have been detained in a police crackdown since late Friday, said lawyer N. Surendran, a Hindraf member. - CNN
Some 2000 protesters defied a ban on public gatherings, and carried roses to symbolise what they said was a peaceful demand for justice. - BBC
“I want the five to be released,” said Parvathy Raman, a 30-year-old accounts executive from Kuala Lumpur, who joined the protest. “I want the government to hear our problems. Everyone knows there is discrimination, but the government denies it.” - Reuters
There also women and small kids were handled very badly by Malaysia Police. Another blog that I read said that police leading HINDRAF by 1 goal, but the game just started!
The PM is Malaysian Indian’s enemy! Now I realized, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi don’t deserve rose, he deserve ’s h i t’ from us. We though Mahatma Gandhi way is the best,but…
The comments in this blog shows people of Malaysia are against the Police and BN(against the way they treat this HINDRAF matter)


“This is ridiculous … We just want to express our right to freely assemble,” said Hindraf member N. Surendran. “This is a massive campaign of intimidation.” - msnbc
More than 60 people — including two leaders of the Hindu Rights Action Force, or Hindraf, that organized the protest — have been detained in a police crackdown since late Friday, said lawyer N. Surendran, a Hindraf member. - CNN
Some 2000 protesters defied a ban on public gatherings, and carried roses to symbolise what they said was a peaceful demand for justice. - BBC
“I want the five to be released,” said Parvathy Raman, a 30-year-old accounts executive from Kuala Lumpur, who joined the protest. “I want the government to hear our problems. Everyone knows there is discrimination, but the government denies it.” - Reuters
There also women and small kids were handled very badly by Malaysia Police. Another blog that I read said that police leading HINDRAF by 1 goal, but the game just started!
The PM is Malaysian Indian’s enemy! Now I realized, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi don’t deserve rose, he deserve ’s h i t’ from us. We though Mahatma Gandhi way is the best,but…
The comments in this blog shows people of Malaysia are against the Police and BN(against the way they treat this HINDRAF matter)


Malaysian police fire tear gas at protesters - Channel NewsAsia


Malaysian police fire tear gas at protestersPosted: 16 February 2008 1718 hrs
KUALA LUMPUR : Malaysian police Saturday fired tear gas and water cannons to disperse ethnic Indians gathered in the capital, in the latest crackdown on anti-discrimination protests, witnesses said.
Some 300 people clutching flowers defied a police ban and attempted to gather in Independence Square in downtown Kuala Lumpur, but police quickly moved in, an AFP correspondent witnessed.
"It is an embarrassing attack on the Indian community and on people who just wanted to hand over flowers to the prime minister," said R. Thanenthiran, one of the rally organisers.
The flower protest is the latest in a series of demonstrations in recent that have rocked the multicultural nation, which is now gearing up for general elections on March 8.
More than 20 people were detained, police said, after supporters of Indian rights group Hindraf turned up near Dataran Merdeka or Independence Square.
Police had earlier refused a permit for the gathering. Indian youths dressed in saffron coloured t-shirts with the Tamil words "Makkal Sakti", or People's Power, chanted slogans calling for justice and an end to alleged discrimination against ethnic Indians in the country.
More than 200 police then surrounded the crowd before spraying them with water cannons and firing tear gas shells above their heads, the AFP correspondent witnessed.
The protest comes after the detention of five Hindraf leaders who enraged the government in November by leading a mass rally protesting alleged discrimination against minority ethnic Indians.
The protest highlighted the grievances of Malaysia's Indians -- descendants of labourers brought over by British colonial rulers in the 1800s -- who say they are marginalised in terms of education, wealth and opportunities.
Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has admitted that street protests and anger within the Indian community could have an impact on how the government fares in the general elections.
Ethnic Indians make up 7 percent of Malaysia's 27 million population with Malay Muslims forming 60 percent and ethnic Chinese at 26 percent.
Click below for Videos.
http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/afp_asiapacific/view/329203/1/.html
KUALA LUMPUR : Malaysian police Saturday fired tear gas and water cannons to disperse ethnic Indians gathered in the capital, in the latest crackdown on anti-discrimination protests, witnesses said.
Some 300 people clutching flowers defied a police ban and attempted to gather in Independence Square in downtown Kuala Lumpur, but police quickly moved in, an AFP correspondent witnessed.
"It is an embarrassing attack on the Indian community and on people who just wanted to hand over flowers to the prime minister," said R. Thanenthiran, one of the rally organisers.
The flower protest is the latest in a series of demonstrations in recent that have rocked the multicultural nation, which is now gearing up for general elections on March 8.
More than 20 people were detained, police said, after supporters of Indian rights group Hindraf turned up near Dataran Merdeka or Independence Square.
Police had earlier refused a permit for the gathering. Indian youths dressed in saffron coloured t-shirts with the Tamil words "Makkal Sakti", or People's Power, chanted slogans calling for justice and an end to alleged discrimination against ethnic Indians in the country.
More than 200 police then surrounded the crowd before spraying them with water cannons and firing tear gas shells above their heads, the AFP correspondent witnessed.
The protest comes after the detention of five Hindraf leaders who enraged the government in November by leading a mass rally protesting alleged discrimination against minority ethnic Indians.
The protest highlighted the grievances of Malaysia's Indians -- descendants of labourers brought over by British colonial rulers in the 1800s -- who say they are marginalised in terms of education, wealth and opportunities.
Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has admitted that street protests and anger within the Indian community could have an impact on how the government fares in the general elections.
Ethnic Indians make up 7 percent of Malaysia's 27 million population with Malay Muslims forming 60 percent and ethnic Chinese at 26 percent.
Click below for Videos.
http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/afp_asiapacific/view/329203/1/.html
Detentions over Malaysian Hindu rally - CNN News
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia (AP) -- Malaysian police fired tear gas and water cannon to break up an illegal rally Saturday by ethnic Indians demanding racial equality ahead of general elections.
A child, left, tries to prevent undercover police from dragging away a woman Saturday in Kuala Lumpur.
More than 60 people -- including two leaders of the Hindu Rights Action Force, or Hindraf, that organized the protest -- have been detained in a police crackdown since late Friday, said lawyer N. Surendran, a Hindraf member.
A child, left, tries to prevent undercover police from dragging away a woman Saturday in Kuala Lumpur.
More than 60 people -- including two leaders of the Hindu Rights Action Force, or Hindraf, that organized the protest -- have been detained in a police crackdown since late Friday, said lawyer N. Surendran, a Hindraf member.
The group planned to hand roses and a protest note to Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, but police banned the rally citing national security.
Barricades were set up along main roads leading to Parliament but more than 200 people managed to gather nearby Saturday shouting "Long Live Hindraf" and "We want our rights."
Police sprayed water and fired tear gas after the crowd ignored warnings to disperse.
Police sprayed water and fired tear gas after the crowd ignored warnings to disperse.
At least 20 people, including a Hindraf leader S. Manikavasagam, were detained Saturday, said a police official, who declined to be named citing protocol.
Surendran said at least 40 others were arrested since late Friday.
"This is ridiculous ... We just want to express our right to freely assemble," Surendran told The Associated Press. "This is a massive campaign of intimidation."
It was the first public gathering by the group since police used tear gas and water cannon to crush a Nov. 25 demonstration by at least 20,000 Indians in Kuala Lumpur.
The rally came ahead of general elections on March 8.
The rally came ahead of general elections on March 8.
The November protest sparked fears of racial tension in this ethnic Malay Muslim-majority nation, and led to the arrest of five Hindraf leaders in December under the Internal Security Act, which allows indefinite imprisonment without trial.
Many Indians allege they are deprived of employment and education opportunities and say their temples are being systematically destroyed.
The government says it does not discriminate against ethnic Indians, who form 8 percent of Malaysia's 27 million people and remain at the bottom of Malaysia's economic and political hierarchy.
CNN News
Malaysian police break up protest - BBC News

The protesters carried roses to symbolise peaceful demands
Protest scenes
Protest scenes
Malaysian security forces have used tear gas and water cannon to break up a protest by ethnic Indians in the capital, Kuala Lumpur.
More than 20 people taking part in the banned march were detained by police.
The demonstration was organised by the Hindu Rights Action Force, which is demanding the release from jail of five of its leaders.
Activists say policies granting economic advantages to the ethnic Malay majority discriminate against Indians.
The Malaysia government has rejected claims of unequal treatment.
Detention without trial
Some 2000 protesters defied a ban on public gatherings, and carried roses to symbolise what they said was a peaceful demand for justice.
Some 2000 protesters defied a ban on public gatherings, and carried roses to symbolise what they said was a peaceful demand for justice.
A heavy police presence kept them in the city centre - preventing their planned march to parliament to give the flowers to the Prime Minister, Abdullah Badawi.
The protest was meant to be led by a group of about 200 children. There were no reports of any children being injured.
Police used water canons thought to be laced with chemicals and tear gas to disperse the crowd.
The group behind the demonstration has become increasingly effective at rattling the government, says the BBC's Robin Brant in Kuala Lumpur.
The group behind the demonstration has become increasingly effective at rattling the government, says the BBC's Robin Brant in Kuala Lumpur.
It was behind a large demonstration on the streets of the capital last November which saw 10,000 people gather.
That rally exposed increasing unhappiness among some of Malaysia's minority Indians who feel they have fallen behind after decades of government policy which gives preferential treatment to the majority Malays, our correspondent says.
Five rights activists were arrested at that rally - the biggest protest involving ethnic Indians in more than a decade.
They are being held under a rarely used security law that allows indefinite detention without trial.
Watch BBC video at:
Are you in Kuala Lumpur? Did you witness the demonstration? Send us your comments on this story, some of which may be published.
You can send pictures and video to:
yourpics@bbc.co.uk or text them to +44 7725 100 100. If you have a large file you can upload here.
ROSES RALLY IN MALAYSIAN-CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER
Campaign of Roses Updates - 8.45am
UpdateThe Campaign have started - Just received a Mobile update, people are now gathering in front of DBKL Building…. , no roadblocks inside KL and it’s quiet there. People show our Unity and fight for your Right that will secure your coming generations….
Campaign of Roses Updates - 9.00am
UpdateJust received another update…between 3 - 4 people was arrested by our POLICE (grounds of arrest still unknown). The Roses will now be sent to SUHAKAM Office instead of the Parliment due to heavy roadblocks by Police to stop Our Little Angels and fellow Malaysians from exercising their rights…
Campaign of Roses Updates - 9.30am
UpdateUpdate at 9.30AM ..chemical laced water sprayed and tear gas fired in front of DBKL, Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman was closed, the crowd is now heading towards Dataran Merdeka.
Campaign of Roses Updates - 10.00am
UpdateUpdate at 10.00AM - Ground crew reported that riot Police is arresting everyone at random including few KIDS. Crowd is now scattered into smaller groups…second round of tear gas and chemical laced water being sprayed at the peaceful crowd.
Campaign of Roses Updates - 10.30am
UpdateUpdate at 10.30AM - It was reported that the crowd has now dispersed and Hindraf coordinators are also asking the crowd to disperse since the FRU are being very agrresive. It was reported that over 450 people were arrested so far. Including blogger B.Mahendran…
Campaign of Roses Updates - 11.30am
UpdateUpdate at 11.30AM - It was reported that the crowd has now dispersed and gathered around Court Malai Pillayar Temple. It is estimated around 10,000 people around the temple area. There was few stand off between FRU and the Campaigners. Apprently the FRU being very aggresive and even chasing people out of coffee shops.I was reported the arrested campaigners were taken to Pulapol.Crowds are now slowly dispersing…
Campaign of Roses Updates - 12.00pm
UpdateUpdate at 12.00PM - The crowd is moving towards Pudu Jail…apparently few of the Hindraf committee members were arrested last night itself. Fair amount of people from different directions are heading towards Pudu Jail.
Campaign of Roses Updates - 12.30PM
UpdateUpdate at 12.30PM - FRU has cordoned off PUDU Jail area. The Campaigners are now heading towards PULAPOL, JALAN SEMARAK where the arrested Campaigners were taken. Please gather at PULAPOL, JALAN SEMARAK…
Campaign of Roses Updates -5.30PM
UpdateThose who were arrested are released after their statements are taken.
No roses delivered today
Hindraf supporters seeking away for children to deliver roses to the PM played a cat-and-mouse game for over four hours with police today.The 'game' centred around Jalan Raja Laut in the DBKL, Menara Tun Razak, Dataran Merdeka, Masjid India and onto Bukit Mahkamah and the Ganesar Temple. All in all, 200 people were nabbed in the 'game'.
Police fired teargas and chemical-laced water cannons in a bid to disperse some 300 Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) supporters gathered for a peaceful rose handing-over ceremony at Jalan Raja Laut early this morning.
The Hindraf event was initially scheduled to be held at Parliament gates where 200 children were to hand over roses as a peaceful gesture requesting that Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to heed the group’s 18-point demands.
News that roads leading to Parliament were closed to prevent the group from going there then led them to change the venue to Jalan Raja Laut in the city centre.
According to Hindraf acting leader S Thanenthiran who was present at the gathering, about 200 people have been arrested including Hindraf’s rose campaign coordinator S Manickavasagam and popular blogger B Mahendran.
Women and children were among those detained.Witnesses also claimed that police had aggressively manhandled a women with her child when they wanted to arrest her."The woman was crying aloud because the police forced her to leave her child when she was arrested," said Mahendran who later informed Malaysiakini of the woman’s condition through his mobile phone.
Detained at roaddblocksThanenthiran added that almost two thirds of them were detained prior to the gathering at roadblocks set up along the routes leading to the city. They are being held at the Police Training Centre (Pulapol) in Jalan Semarak, Kuala Lumpur.
There were heavy police and riot squads presence in Jalan Raja Laut. Four water cannon trucks were stationed along the route leading to Parliament.It is learnt that the police have been stationed at key areas pertaining to the gathering since last night.
Roadblocks were also set up at various key routes leading into the city."The police outnumbered the crowd in three folds. I saw several of them firing teargas canisters to the peaceful crowd.
Why is there a need to fire that many teargas canisters when one is strong enough (to disperse the crowd)," said a tourist who happened to be in the area.
After the teargas and water cannons were fired, the crowd were chased by some 40 plainclothes policemen. They then retreated into the Masjid India area.The dispersed crowd then walked in small separate groups towards the Court Malai Pillayar Temple in Jalan Pudu where another stand- off occurred between Hindraf supporters and the police.
At this point, ten people were arrested while seeking shelter in the temple. Three more were later nabbed while making their way to the KL Remand Centre in Jalan Hang Tuah to show support to some Hindraf members who were detained last night.
By this time, the crowd had dispersed and small groups made their way to Pulapol to show support to those detained.
According to A Sivanesan who is the group’s legal adviser, lawyers have been sent to Pulapol to ensure that detainees get proper legal help.
Mahendran, who was arrested near the Masjid Jamek area, had managed to contact Malaysiakini through his mobile phone and said that the "police are taking people in batches for questioning"
Police reaction unnecessary
Self-exiled Hindraf chairperson P Waythamoorthy in a statement issued immediately after learning of the arrests said he was extremely disturbed by the manner in which the police handled the matter."
Peaceful struggle, gesture of Love and cry for justice of the poor and underclass Indian society has been met with violence and brutality by the state sanctioned by Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
The attack on peaceful poor and underclass people who came with roses is appalling,"I invite all peace loving people throughout the world to condemn this brutal attack on innocent citizens who were exercising their rights under Article 10 of the Malaysian Federal Constitution and Article 20 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights," he said.
Police have declared today’s event illegal as no permit was given to the group.
20 Children arrested by our Police for trying to hand Roses to our PM...!!!
It came to our attention that 20 children were among the estimated 250 people arrested this morning for trying to hand Roses to our PM peacefully.
These children are now being held at Jabatan Kebajikan Kepong and their parent were told to produce their respective Birth Cerificate despite knowing that they are from outstation.
Seems like again Suhakam gone missing...again and PM failed to impress our call for peaceful gathering to hand him Roses.
My simple mind says...why don't the POLICE use the parent's My Kad and cross reference against the JPN Record. Aren't we know as a nation with high tech I.T capability...??.
UpdateThe Campaign have started - Just received a Mobile update, people are now gathering in front of DBKL Building…. , no roadblocks inside KL and it’s quiet there. People show our Unity and fight for your Right that will secure your coming generations….
Campaign of Roses Updates - 9.00am
UpdateJust received another update…between 3 - 4 people was arrested by our POLICE (grounds of arrest still unknown). The Roses will now be sent to SUHAKAM Office instead of the Parliment due to heavy roadblocks by Police to stop Our Little Angels and fellow Malaysians from exercising their rights…
Campaign of Roses Updates - 9.30am
UpdateUpdate at 9.30AM ..chemical laced water sprayed and tear gas fired in front of DBKL, Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman was closed, the crowd is now heading towards Dataran Merdeka.
Campaign of Roses Updates - 10.00am
UpdateUpdate at 10.00AM - Ground crew reported that riot Police is arresting everyone at random including few KIDS. Crowd is now scattered into smaller groups…second round of tear gas and chemical laced water being sprayed at the peaceful crowd.
Campaign of Roses Updates - 10.30am
UpdateUpdate at 10.30AM - It was reported that the crowd has now dispersed and Hindraf coordinators are also asking the crowd to disperse since the FRU are being very agrresive. It was reported that over 450 people were arrested so far. Including blogger B.Mahendran…
Campaign of Roses Updates - 11.30am
UpdateUpdate at 11.30AM - It was reported that the crowd has now dispersed and gathered around Court Malai Pillayar Temple. It is estimated around 10,000 people around the temple area. There was few stand off between FRU and the Campaigners. Apprently the FRU being very aggresive and even chasing people out of coffee shops.I was reported the arrested campaigners were taken to Pulapol.Crowds are now slowly dispersing…
Campaign of Roses Updates - 12.00pm
UpdateUpdate at 12.00PM - The crowd is moving towards Pudu Jail…apparently few of the Hindraf committee members were arrested last night itself. Fair amount of people from different directions are heading towards Pudu Jail.
Campaign of Roses Updates - 12.30PM
UpdateUpdate at 12.30PM - FRU has cordoned off PUDU Jail area. The Campaigners are now heading towards PULAPOL, JALAN SEMARAK where the arrested Campaigners were taken. Please gather at PULAPOL, JALAN SEMARAK…
Campaign of Roses Updates -5.30PM
UpdateThose who were arrested are released after their statements are taken.
No roses delivered today
Hindraf supporters seeking away for children to deliver roses to the PM played a cat-and-mouse game for over four hours with police today.The 'game' centred around Jalan Raja Laut in the DBKL, Menara Tun Razak, Dataran Merdeka, Masjid India and onto Bukit Mahkamah and the Ganesar Temple. All in all, 200 people were nabbed in the 'game'.
Police fired teargas and chemical-laced water cannons in a bid to disperse some 300 Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) supporters gathered for a peaceful rose handing-over ceremony at Jalan Raja Laut early this morning.
The Hindraf event was initially scheduled to be held at Parliament gates where 200 children were to hand over roses as a peaceful gesture requesting that Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to heed the group’s 18-point demands.
News that roads leading to Parliament were closed to prevent the group from going there then led them to change the venue to Jalan Raja Laut in the city centre.
According to Hindraf acting leader S Thanenthiran who was present at the gathering, about 200 people have been arrested including Hindraf’s rose campaign coordinator S Manickavasagam and popular blogger B Mahendran.
Women and children were among those detained.Witnesses also claimed that police had aggressively manhandled a women with her child when they wanted to arrest her."The woman was crying aloud because the police forced her to leave her child when she was arrested," said Mahendran who later informed Malaysiakini of the woman’s condition through his mobile phone.
Detained at roaddblocksThanenthiran added that almost two thirds of them were detained prior to the gathering at roadblocks set up along the routes leading to the city. They are being held at the Police Training Centre (Pulapol) in Jalan Semarak, Kuala Lumpur.
There were heavy police and riot squads presence in Jalan Raja Laut. Four water cannon trucks were stationed along the route leading to Parliament.It is learnt that the police have been stationed at key areas pertaining to the gathering since last night.
Roadblocks were also set up at various key routes leading into the city."The police outnumbered the crowd in three folds. I saw several of them firing teargas canisters to the peaceful crowd.
Why is there a need to fire that many teargas canisters when one is strong enough (to disperse the crowd)," said a tourist who happened to be in the area.
After the teargas and water cannons were fired, the crowd were chased by some 40 plainclothes policemen. They then retreated into the Masjid India area.The dispersed crowd then walked in small separate groups towards the Court Malai Pillayar Temple in Jalan Pudu where another stand- off occurred between Hindraf supporters and the police.
At this point, ten people were arrested while seeking shelter in the temple. Three more were later nabbed while making their way to the KL Remand Centre in Jalan Hang Tuah to show support to some Hindraf members who were detained last night.
By this time, the crowd had dispersed and small groups made their way to Pulapol to show support to those detained.
According to A Sivanesan who is the group’s legal adviser, lawyers have been sent to Pulapol to ensure that detainees get proper legal help.
Mahendran, who was arrested near the Masjid Jamek area, had managed to contact Malaysiakini through his mobile phone and said that the "police are taking people in batches for questioning"
Police reaction unnecessary
Self-exiled Hindraf chairperson P Waythamoorthy in a statement issued immediately after learning of the arrests said he was extremely disturbed by the manner in which the police handled the matter."
Peaceful struggle, gesture of Love and cry for justice of the poor and underclass Indian society has been met with violence and brutality by the state sanctioned by Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
The attack on peaceful poor and underclass people who came with roses is appalling,"I invite all peace loving people throughout the world to condemn this brutal attack on innocent citizens who were exercising their rights under Article 10 of the Malaysian Federal Constitution and Article 20 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights," he said.
Police have declared today’s event illegal as no permit was given to the group.
20 Children arrested by our Police for trying to hand Roses to our PM...!!!
It came to our attention that 20 children were among the estimated 250 people arrested this morning for trying to hand Roses to our PM peacefully.
These children are now being held at Jabatan Kebajikan Kepong and their parent were told to produce their respective Birth Cerificate despite knowing that they are from outstation.
Seems like again Suhakam gone missing...again and PM failed to impress our call for peaceful gathering to hand him Roses.
My simple mind says...why don't the POLICE use the parent's My Kad and cross reference against the JPN Record. Aren't we know as a nation with high tech I.T capability...??.
Campaign of Roses, police Brutality, 200 nabbed

Police fired teargas and chemical-laced water cannons in a bid to disperse some 300 Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) supporters gathered for a peaceful rose handing-over ceremony at Jalan Raja Laut early this morning.
The Hindraf event was initially scheduled to be held at Parliament gates where 200 children were to hand over roses as a peaceful gesture requesting that Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to heed the group’s 18-point demands.
News that roads leading to Parliament were closed to prevent the group from going there then led them to change the venue to Jalan Raja Laut in the city centre.
According to Hindraf acting leader S Thanenthiran who was present at the gathering, about 200 people have been arrested including Hindraf’s rose campaign coordinator S Manickavasagam and popular blogger B Mahendran.

Women and children were among those detained.Witnesses also claimed that police had aggressively manhandled a women with her child when they wanted to arrest her.
"The woman was crying aloud because the police forced her to leave her child when she was arrested," said Mahendran who later informed Malaysiakini of the woman’s condition through his mobile phone.





Thanenthiran added that almost two thirds of them were detained prior to the gathering at roadblocks set up along the routes leading to the city. They are being held at the Police Training Centre (Pulapol) in Jalan Semarak, Kuala Lumpur.
There were heavy police and riot squads presence in Jalan Raja Laut. Four water cannon trucks were stationed along the route leading to Parliament.It is learnt that the police have been stationed at key areas pertaining to the gathering since last night.
Roadblocks were also set up at various key routes leading into the city."The police outnumbered the crowd in three folds.
I saw several of them firing teargas canisters to the peaceful crowd. Why is there a need to fire that many teargas canisters when one is strong enough (to disperse the crowd)," said a tourist who happened to be in the area.
After the teargas and water cannons were fired, the crowd were chased by some 40 plainclothes policemen. They then retreated into the Masjid India area.The dispersed crowd then walked in small separate groups towards the Court Malai Pillayar Temple in Jalan Pudu where another stand- off occurred between Hindraf supporters and the police.
At this point, ten people were arrested while seeking shelter in the temple. Three more were later nabbed while making their way to the KL Remand Centre in Jalan Hang Tuah to show support to some Hindraf members who were detained last night.
By this time, the crowd had dispersed and small groups made their way to Pulapol to show support to those detained. According to A Sivanesan who is the group’s legal adviser, lawyers have been sent to Pulapol to ensure that detainees get proper legal help.Mahendran, who was arrested near the Masjid Jamek area, had managed to contact Malaysiakini through his mobile phone and said that the "police are taking people in batches for questioning"

Self-exiled Hindraf chairperson P Waythamoorthy in a statement issued immediately after learning of the arrests said he was extremely disturbed by the manner in which the police handled the matter.
"Peaceful struggle, gesture of Love and cry for justice of the poor and underclass Indian society has been met with violence and brutality by the state sanctioned by Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
The attack on peaceful poor and underclass people who came with roses is appalling,
"I invite all peace loving people throughout the world to condemn this brutal attack on innocent citizens who were exercising their rights under Article 10 of the Malaysian Federal Constitution and Article 20 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights," he said.
Police have declared today’s event illegal as no permit was given to the group.
Hindu protest broken up in Malaysia - AlJazeera News

Police in the Malaysian capital, Kuala Lumpur have used tear gas and chemical-laced water to break up an anti-government protest by ethnic Indians demanding racial equality.
On Saturday about 300 men, women and children were dispersed by about 100 policemen, including riot police with helmets and shields.
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"Police were too rough" said S Manikavasagam, a spokesman for the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf), the ethnic indian group that organised the protest.
"They used their power," he said.
bodyVariable300="Htmlphcontrol2_lblError";
Since Friday about 60 people, including two leaders of Hindraf who organised the protest, have been detained in a police crackdown, said N Surendran, a lawyer and Hindraf member.
Protesters were carrying roses to symbolise a peaceful demand for justice.
The Malaysian government is concerned about street protests in the run up to early general elections on March 8 and any gathering of more than four people requires a police permit.
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the Malaysian prime minister, is widely expected to retain power at the polls with his ruling party coalition, but with a reduced majority.
Many Indians accuse his multi-racial coalition, which is dominated by ethnic Malays, of racial discrimination.
Police crackdown
Hinraf first announced the protest in January to press the government to release five of its leaders who have been jailed under tough internal security laws.
The men were detained without trial after more 10,000 ethnic Indians marched in the capital last November to complain about a lack of job and education opportunities.
The protesters on Saturday planned to gather outside parliament to hand a protest note and roses to Abdullah, but they were halted by police a short distance away.
"I want the five to be released," Parvathy Raman, a 30-year-old accounts executive from Kuala Lumpur, said.
"I want the government to hear our problems. Everyone knows there is discrimination, but the government denies it."
Hindraf said the red roses symbolised love and peace, while the yellow roses symbolised the group's demand for justice and the release of the jailed men.
Protesters defied police orders to disperse, but scattered when sprayed with tear gas and water laced with chemicals.
On Saturday about 300 men, women and children were dispersed by about 100 policemen, including riot police with helmets and shields.
bodyVariable350="Htmlphcontrol1_lblError";
"Police were too rough" said S Manikavasagam, a spokesman for the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf), the ethnic indian group that organised the protest.
"They used their power," he said.
bodyVariable300="Htmlphcontrol2_lblError";
Since Friday about 60 people, including two leaders of Hindraf who organised the protest, have been detained in a police crackdown, said N Surendran, a lawyer and Hindraf member.
Protesters were carrying roses to symbolise a peaceful demand for justice.
The Malaysian government is concerned about street protests in the run up to early general elections on March 8 and any gathering of more than four people requires a police permit.
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the Malaysian prime minister, is widely expected to retain power at the polls with his ruling party coalition, but with a reduced majority.
Many Indians accuse his multi-racial coalition, which is dominated by ethnic Malays, of racial discrimination.
Police crackdown
Hinraf first announced the protest in January to press the government to release five of its leaders who have been jailed under tough internal security laws.
The men were detained without trial after more 10,000 ethnic Indians marched in the capital last November to complain about a lack of job and education opportunities.
The protesters on Saturday planned to gather outside parliament to hand a protest note and roses to Abdullah, but they were halted by police a short distance away.
"I want the five to be released," Parvathy Raman, a 30-year-old accounts executive from Kuala Lumpur, said.
"I want the government to hear our problems. Everyone knows there is discrimination, but the government denies it."
Hindraf said the red roses symbolised love and peace, while the yellow roses symbolised the group's demand for justice and the release of the jailed men.
Protesters defied police orders to disperse, but scattered when sprayed with tear gas and water laced with chemicals.
Al Jazeera
Rose to PM Campaign Guideline and FQA
Above the image given by one of our supporter for arial view.
The Rose to PM Campaign in Malaysia is still on schedule.
Venue : Parliament House, Kuala Lumpur.
Date : 16th FEB 2008 (Saturday)
Time : 10.00 - 12.00 pm
There are many FQA for this campaign. Here are some of the answers and guideline for the campaign.
1. Q : Where is the location and what time ?
A : No change, Parliament House, KL at 10.00 am to 12.00 pm
2. Q : What need to be brought ?
A : Just a stake of rose either red or yellow. We are peace loving community (ahimsa) and rose is a symbol of peace.
2a. Q : Why roses ?
A : The red roses is symbol of love and compassion whereas the yellow roses are symbol of justice. We are going to our PM these roses conjuction with Valentines Day, seeking the love and compassion from PM towards Malaysian Indians as we Malaysian too. While the yellow roses are symbol for our cry of justice, we seek immediate release of HINDRAF 5 leaders and reconsider this rightful struggle.
3. Q : Parliament dissolved on 13th Feb, so how ?
A : We are going to Parliament as it a symbol of justice where lawmaking process happens.
It is a just a venue for us to see our PM to give him thousands of flowers seeking love and justice.
4. Q : Who is PM after the Parliament dissolved, will the PM come ?
A : There will be a caretaker government that been setup after the Parliament dissolved as per our law until the new mandate government is formed.
Historically the current PM will be the acting PM for this government, so he has all the responsibility as PM including hearing the people's cry.
Little girl Vwaishnavi (Waytha's daughter) have sent a personal invitation to PM 3 weeks ago to attend this Roses to PM campaign.
This followed by another group of concerned senior citizen whom support little girl. They also have met the PM personal officers on 11th Feb 2008 and hand over a letter requesting PM to reconsider and request him humbly to come for this function
So far no reply from Malaysian PM.
In the invitation, the request were made for PM or his reps to come and receive these flowers.
It is also stated that the PM have all the flexibility to chose the venue if he cant make it to the Parliament, the little girl is ready to come elsewhere.
5. Q : How many people are expected to join ?
A : We are expecting about 200 kids and 10,000 Malaysian would join this peaceful campaign.
6. Q : How is the crowd control management would be ?
A : There will be at least 400 crowd control marshall placed along the road and guide the crowd.
7. Q : How long is this campaign ?
A : Max 2 hours, ( 10.00 - 12.00 pm). Once the flowers are submitted, the crowd will dispease peaceful.
8. Q : How would the police response be ?
A : We believe the police will allow us to gather peacefully as there would be no other things carried except a stake of rose. The little kids symbolizing the future generation will be carrying roses and would be in the frontline together will their parents. We request with humble that our police will be more ethical towards us.
Thanks. Hope to see all near the Parliament House this Saturday morning.
The Rose to PM Campaign in Malaysia is still on schedule.
Venue : Parliament House, Kuala Lumpur.
Date : 16th FEB 2008 (Saturday)
Time : 10.00 - 12.00 pm
There are many FQA for this campaign. Here are some of the answers and guideline for the campaign.
1. Q : Where is the location and what time ?
A : No change, Parliament House, KL at 10.00 am to 12.00 pm
2. Q : What need to be brought ?
A : Just a stake of rose either red or yellow. We are peace loving community (ahimsa) and rose is a symbol of peace.
2a. Q : Why roses ?
A : The red roses is symbol of love and compassion whereas the yellow roses are symbol of justice. We are going to our PM these roses conjuction with Valentines Day, seeking the love and compassion from PM towards Malaysian Indians as we Malaysian too. While the yellow roses are symbol for our cry of justice, we seek immediate release of HINDRAF 5 leaders and reconsider this rightful struggle.
3. Q : Parliament dissolved on 13th Feb, so how ?
A : We are going to Parliament as it a symbol of justice where lawmaking process happens.
It is a just a venue for us to see our PM to give him thousands of flowers seeking love and justice.
4. Q : Who is PM after the Parliament dissolved, will the PM come ?
A : There will be a caretaker government that been setup after the Parliament dissolved as per our law until the new mandate government is formed.
Historically the current PM will be the acting PM for this government, so he has all the responsibility as PM including hearing the people's cry.
Little girl Vwaishnavi (Waytha's daughter) have sent a personal invitation to PM 3 weeks ago to attend this Roses to PM campaign.
This followed by another group of concerned senior citizen whom support little girl. They also have met the PM personal officers on 11th Feb 2008 and hand over a letter requesting PM to reconsider and request him humbly to come for this function
So far no reply from Malaysian PM.
In the invitation, the request were made for PM or his reps to come and receive these flowers.
It is also stated that the PM have all the flexibility to chose the venue if he cant make it to the Parliament, the little girl is ready to come elsewhere.
5. Q : How many people are expected to join ?
A : We are expecting about 200 kids and 10,000 Malaysian would join this peaceful campaign.
6. Q : How is the crowd control management would be ?
A : There will be at least 400 crowd control marshall placed along the road and guide the crowd.
7. Q : How long is this campaign ?
A : Max 2 hours, ( 10.00 - 12.00 pm). Once the flowers are submitted, the crowd will dispease peaceful.
8. Q : How would the police response be ?
A : We believe the police will allow us to gather peacefully as there would be no other things carried except a stake of rose. The little kids symbolizing the future generation will be carrying roses and would be in the frontline together will their parents. We request with humble that our police will be more ethical towards us.
Thanks. Hope to see all near the Parliament House this Saturday morning.
INTERNATIONAL RED & YELLOW ROSES CAMPAIGN ON FEB 16, 2008
SIGN ONLINE PETITION TO: International Press and Human Rights Groups
http://www.petitiononline.com/RosRally/petition.html
Kuala Lumpur
Venue : Parliament House Kuala Lumpur
Address: Jalan Parlimen, 50680, Kuala Lumpur
Time : 11.00 am
London
Venue: High Commission of Malaysia, London
Address: Malaysian High Commission 45-46 Belgrave Square London
Time: 10am
Los Angeles
Venue: In front of Consulate General of Malaysia, Los Angeles
Address: 550 South Hope Street, Suite 400, Los Angeles, CA 90071)
Time: 10am - 2pm
New York
Venue : Malaysian Consulate General of New York -313 East,43rd Street, NY,
Nearest Subway – Grand Central, New York
Time : 11.00am – 1.00pm
Contact Ravi Shan at MalaysianinNewYork@gmail.com or 1(917) 443 1250
New places :
New Delhi
Venue : In Front Of Malaysian Embassy
50-M, Satya Marg, Chanakyapuri, New Delhi 110021
11.00 am
Belgium
Address : 414A, Avenue de Tervuren
1150 Brussels, Belgium
11.00 am
Northern Ireland
Address : Level 3A - 5A
Shelbourne House
Shelbourne Road,
Ballsbridge, Dublin 4
Indonesia
Jalan H.R. Rasuna Said,
Kav. X/6, No.1-3 Kuningan,
Jakarta Selatan 12950
11.00 am
Mumbai, India
4-B, 4th Floor, Notan Plaza,
Turner Road, Bandra (West),
Mumbai 400050.
New Zealand
HIGH COMMISSION OF MALAYSIA IN WELLINGTON
Address : No. 10
Washington Avenue Brooklyn, P.O. Box 9422,
ellington, New Zealand
Australia
Chancery: 7 Perth Avenue
Yarralumla ACT 2600
http://www.petitiononline.com/RosRally/petition.html
Kuala Lumpur
Venue : Parliament House Kuala Lumpur
Address: Jalan Parlimen, 50680, Kuala Lumpur
Time : 11.00 am
London
Venue: High Commission of Malaysia, London
Address: Malaysian High Commission 45-46 Belgrave Square London
Time: 10am
Los Angeles
Venue: In front of Consulate General of Malaysia, Los Angeles
Address: 550 South Hope Street, Suite 400, Los Angeles, CA 90071)
Time: 10am - 2pm
New York
Venue : Malaysian Consulate General of New York -313 East,43rd Street, NY,
Nearest Subway – Grand Central, New York
Time : 11.00am – 1.00pm
Contact Ravi Shan at MalaysianinNewYork@gmail.com or 1(917) 443 1250
New places :
New Delhi
Venue : In Front Of Malaysian Embassy
50-M, Satya Marg, Chanakyapuri, New Delhi 110021
11.00 am
Belgium
Address : 414A, Avenue de Tervuren
1150 Brussels, Belgium
11.00 am
Northern Ireland
Address : Level 3A - 5A
Shelbourne House
Shelbourne Road,
Ballsbridge, Dublin 4
Indonesia
Jalan H.R. Rasuna Said,
Kav. X/6, No.1-3 Kuningan,
Jakarta Selatan 12950
11.00 am
Mumbai, India
4-B, 4th Floor, Notan Plaza,
Turner Road, Bandra (West),
Mumbai 400050.
New Zealand
HIGH COMMISSION OF MALAYSIA IN WELLINGTON
Address : No. 10
Washington Avenue Brooklyn, P.O. Box 9422,
ellington, New Zealand
Australia
Chancery: 7 Perth Avenue
Yarralumla ACT 2600
Media Event - 14th Feb 2008 ( Inviting UNICEF)
No. 135-3-A, Jalan Toman 7,
Kemayan Square,
70200 Seremban,
Negeri Sembilan
Malaysia.
Tel: +606-7672995/6 Fax: +6-06-7672997
Email waytha@hotmail.com
MEDIA EVENT 14TH FEB 2008
RE: VWAISHHNNAVI WAYTHA MOORTHY SEEKS PROTECTION FROM HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS GENEVA FOR FEB 16TH ROSES PRESENTATION HANDING OF FORMAL REQUEST FOR PROTECTION UNDER INTERNATIONAL COVENANT
DATE : 14TH FEB 2008
TIME : 11.00 AM
VENUE : UNICEF
Wisma UN, Blok C, 2nd Floor
Komplek Pejabat Damansara
Jalan Dungun, Damansara Heights
50490 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Our Mr Manickam could be reached on 016 265 9511
Yours in Service
P.Waytha Moorthy
Chairman
currently in London
Kemayan Square,
70200 Seremban,
Negeri Sembilan
Malaysia.
Tel: +606-7672995/6 Fax: +6-06-7672997
Email waytha@hotmail.com
MEDIA EVENT 14TH FEB 2008
RE: VWAISHHNNAVI WAYTHA MOORTHY SEEKS PROTECTION FROM HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS GENEVA FOR FEB 16TH ROSES PRESENTATION HANDING OF FORMAL REQUEST FOR PROTECTION UNDER INTERNATIONAL COVENANT
DATE : 14TH FEB 2008
TIME : 11.00 AM
VENUE : UNICEF
Wisma UN, Blok C, 2nd Floor
Komplek Pejabat Damansara
Jalan Dungun, Damansara Heights
50490 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Our Mr Manickam could be reached on 016 265 9511
Yours in Service
P.Waytha Moorthy
Chairman
currently in London
Anwar: Dissolution of Parliament No Surprise
The dissolution of Parliament by Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi on February 13th comes as no surprise as approval ratings for himself and for his government have dropped to all-time lows. Malaysians are hard hit by rising prices, rampant crime, endemic corruption and heightened ethnic tensions. The longer that Barisan Nasional waits, the more seats it stands to lose in the General Election.
These elections are being called more than a year early, in the very middle of the Chinese New Year celebrations, and one month before the illegal ban on my participate in these elections expires. Denying me an opportunity to contest only shows that the four year track record of the Abdullah administration has been so banal and disappointing that they can afford to take no chances whatsoever.
KeADILan (the People's Justice Party) is fully prepared to break the barriers imposed by the ruling party by blocking our access to the media and constant harassment by law enforcement at every public gathering. Our candidates have worked day and night to expose the constant failings of the government convey our vision of hope for a better Malaysia.
We have been ready for these elections for months. Along with our allies in the Opposition, we are ready to put Malaysia back on track, and give Malaysians the government they deserve.
ANWAR IBRAHIM
These elections are being called more than a year early, in the very middle of the Chinese New Year celebrations, and one month before the illegal ban on my participate in these elections expires. Denying me an opportunity to contest only shows that the four year track record of the Abdullah administration has been so banal and disappointing that they can afford to take no chances whatsoever.
KeADILan (the People's Justice Party) is fully prepared to break the barriers imposed by the ruling party by blocking our access to the media and constant harassment by law enforcement at every public gathering. Our candidates have worked day and night to expose the constant failings of the government convey our vision of hope for a better Malaysia.
We have been ready for these elections for months. Along with our allies in the Opposition, we are ready to put Malaysia back on track, and give Malaysians the government they deserve.
ANWAR IBRAHIM
SAMY VELLU WOULD NOT MIND KILLING INDIANS TO RETAIN HIS POST
The MIC strongman, S Samy Vellu, has been in the limelight lately, and mostly for the wrong reasons. His grip on the pulse of Indian Malaysians has largely been proven to be a myth and going by what is seen as the sudden increase in interest shown by the MIC, including its Youth wing, it becomes increasingly clear that the claims by Hindraf that Indians have been generally marginalised is indeed true.
What is also becoming more clear is that the MIC strongman has emerged more as a spokesman for Umno and BN rather than the marginalised Indians. Somehow, it appears to many Indians that his sudden interest now in their interests shows that he really did not bother very much about us before Hindraf came onto the scene. This is much against his claim that he has been walking the corridors of power to stake Indians’ interests.
Essentially, there cannot be any denying that his awakened interest is the direct result of Hindraf’s actions. In fact, he has to thank Hindraf for the many opportunities that will come his way now from the Umno-led government, which he could not even in his wildest dreams have achieved.
Am I wrong here? During the time of the previous premier (Dr Mahathir Mohamad), he sang such raving praises of Mahathir and glorified him to such an extent that many spoke of them as inseparable brothers. Lo and behold, when the former premier was out of power, he claimed that Mahathir failed to do many of the things he had requested for the Indians.
Now, he is going around the country, appearing on talk shows and going to India to say that the Indians are not that ‘marginalised’ after all. It is a general feeling among Indians that he stands as the greatest hindrance for the advancement of Indians. The government is as desperate in that it does not lose the Indian vote.
The protests organised by Hindraf were not just attended by ordinary folks but by many professionals and businessmen too. It is also an acknowledged fact that its major rally recently was essentially not against the Malays but against MIC and its unreliable leader.
The translation of all this into tangible results may not be immediate but it has given plenty of reasons for Samy Vellu to have sleepless nights, though he seems to posture to the world otherwise.
What is also becoming more clear is that the MIC strongman has emerged more as a spokesman for Umno and BN rather than the marginalised Indians. Somehow, it appears to many Indians that his sudden interest now in their interests shows that he really did not bother very much about us before Hindraf came onto the scene. This is much against his claim that he has been walking the corridors of power to stake Indians’ interests.
Essentially, there cannot be any denying that his awakened interest is the direct result of Hindraf’s actions. In fact, he has to thank Hindraf for the many opportunities that will come his way now from the Umno-led government, which he could not even in his wildest dreams have achieved.
Am I wrong here? During the time of the previous premier (Dr Mahathir Mohamad), he sang such raving praises of Mahathir and glorified him to such an extent that many spoke of them as inseparable brothers. Lo and behold, when the former premier was out of power, he claimed that Mahathir failed to do many of the things he had requested for the Indians.
Now, he is going around the country, appearing on talk shows and going to India to say that the Indians are not that ‘marginalised’ after all. It is a general feeling among Indians that he stands as the greatest hindrance for the advancement of Indians. The government is as desperate in that it does not lose the Indian vote.
The protests organised by Hindraf were not just attended by ordinary folks but by many professionals and businessmen too. It is also an acknowledged fact that its major rally recently was essentially not against the Malays but against MIC and its unreliable leader.
The translation of all this into tangible results may not be immediate but it has given plenty of reasons for Samy Vellu to have sleepless nights, though he seems to posture to the world otherwise.
RTM doesn't know what typical Chinese are
I am appalled by the way the government misrepresented the culture of the Chinese. On the second day of Chinese New Year, at 9pm, RTM broadcasted the ‘Panorama’ programme which showed a so-called ‘typical’ Chinese Malaysian family preparing for the Chinese New Year.
Instead of showing a typical Chinese family, they purposely showed a Muslim Chinese family, passing the family off as a typical Chinese family. They showed the food preparations but, of course, did not show any pork dishes.
How can you not show pork dishes for Chinese New Year? They also did not show these people going to Chinese temple and worshiping their ancestors. Instead, they tried to show this Chinese Muslim family celebrating the New Year the Muslim way.
I have nothing against Chinese Muslims, but they are a minority among Chinese Malaysians and they do not represent the majority of Chinese in Malaysia.
It is appalling the way RTM is trying to manipulate the true picture of the Chinese. They purposely did not show the three key elements for our New Year celebrations - pork dishes, the temples and ancestor worship.
If the government is trying to promote Islam among the Chinese population here they have, in fact, created a bad impression. It just shows how shallow the government’s commitment is to a plural society and religious and cultural freedom.
By trying to portray Chinese Muslims as typical of the Chinese community in Malaysia, they have gone to the extreme.
The BN government, and especially the MCA, should be voted out. It is a real shame that the government tries to tell a big lie. This government is worse than PAS. They just want everyone to be Muslims and are willing to lie openly.
Angry Chinaman
Malaysiakini
Instead of showing a typical Chinese family, they purposely showed a Muslim Chinese family, passing the family off as a typical Chinese family. They showed the food preparations but, of course, did not show any pork dishes.
How can you not show pork dishes for Chinese New Year? They also did not show these people going to Chinese temple and worshiping their ancestors. Instead, they tried to show this Chinese Muslim family celebrating the New Year the Muslim way.
I have nothing against Chinese Muslims, but they are a minority among Chinese Malaysians and they do not represent the majority of Chinese in Malaysia.
It is appalling the way RTM is trying to manipulate the true picture of the Chinese. They purposely did not show the three key elements for our New Year celebrations - pork dishes, the temples and ancestor worship.
If the government is trying to promote Islam among the Chinese population here they have, in fact, created a bad impression. It just shows how shallow the government’s commitment is to a plural society and religious and cultural freedom.
By trying to portray Chinese Muslims as typical of the Chinese community in Malaysia, they have gone to the extreme.
The BN government, and especially the MCA, should be voted out. It is a real shame that the government tries to tell a big lie. This government is worse than PAS. They just want everyone to be Muslims and are willing to lie openly.
Angry Chinaman
Malaysiakini
Why Samy Vellu will be retained
I have noted the comments and pleadings from the various segments of Indian community over the past one month in wanting MIC President S Samy Vellu to make way for the new leaders to take over. As the saying goes, ‘no one is indispensable’.
But in Malaysia, it looks like politicians can - and may - stay on forever as long as nature does not take its course. One feels sorry for the rakyat, they have no say in this so-called democratic nation.
The predicament (or shall I say, gangrene) started with Umno after the party was declared illegal in the late 80s (how many of us know that for less than 24 hours, we had - technically - a Chinese prime minister during that period?).
Umno Baru ensured that no one challenged the incumbents at party elections and the leaders were given additional votes for getting nominated. All our jokers in the pack such as the MCA and the MIC followed suit and adopted a similar feudal style of party control. No one dared to oppose the leaders at the helm.
Look what happened to Anwar Ibrahim in Umno, Lim Ah Lek in MCA and S Subramaniam in MIC. For a country which had good leaders, we became barren when Dr Mahathir Mohamad took over as prime minister.
Not only in politics for the trend also spread to the national sports associations for football, hockey and to a certain extent badminton.
I believe, as an observer of local communal politics, Samy Vellu would be retained for the next general elections not because the MIC or Indian community needs him but because Umno needs him to fill their coffers by his ways of obtaining contracts in countries such as India and other Third World countries.
I dare to say that not one Umno leader could do what Samy Vellu has done for the past 28 years with the exception of Iron Lady Rafidah Aziz.
Having read Federal Territory MIC chief V Saravanan's idiotic and misinformed suggestion that Samy Vellu be given yet another lease to lead the Indian community again, I think these jokers are merely supporting the president in order to climb the political ladder.
Samy Vellu will never recognise intellectuals and technocrats in his party but only those who camouflage themselves to dupe the masses. People like Saravanan, Vigneswaran, Samy Vellu’s son Vel Paari, and ‘yes man’ P Kamalanathan are amongst those said to be part of the MIC leadership’s ‘new wave’. Bear in mind that they are also GANGSTERS.
Mind you, I would rather conclude these chaps are the messengers of doom for Indian Malaysians in particular and Malaysians in general.
Happy voting!
But in Malaysia, it looks like politicians can - and may - stay on forever as long as nature does not take its course. One feels sorry for the rakyat, they have no say in this so-called democratic nation.
The predicament (or shall I say, gangrene) started with Umno after the party was declared illegal in the late 80s (how many of us know that for less than 24 hours, we had - technically - a Chinese prime minister during that period?).
Umno Baru ensured that no one challenged the incumbents at party elections and the leaders were given additional votes for getting nominated. All our jokers in the pack such as the MCA and the MIC followed suit and adopted a similar feudal style of party control. No one dared to oppose the leaders at the helm.
Look what happened to Anwar Ibrahim in Umno, Lim Ah Lek in MCA and S Subramaniam in MIC. For a country which had good leaders, we became barren when Dr Mahathir Mohamad took over as prime minister.
Not only in politics for the trend also spread to the national sports associations for football, hockey and to a certain extent badminton.
I believe, as an observer of local communal politics, Samy Vellu would be retained for the next general elections not because the MIC or Indian community needs him but because Umno needs him to fill their coffers by his ways of obtaining contracts in countries such as India and other Third World countries.
I dare to say that not one Umno leader could do what Samy Vellu has done for the past 28 years with the exception of Iron Lady Rafidah Aziz.
Having read Federal Territory MIC chief V Saravanan's idiotic and misinformed suggestion that Samy Vellu be given yet another lease to lead the Indian community again, I think these jokers are merely supporting the president in order to climb the political ladder.
Samy Vellu will never recognise intellectuals and technocrats in his party but only those who camouflage themselves to dupe the masses. People like Saravanan, Vigneswaran, Samy Vellu’s son Vel Paari, and ‘yes man’ P Kamalanathan are amongst those said to be part of the MIC leadership’s ‘new wave’. Bear in mind that they are also GANGSTERS.
Mind you, I would rather conclude these chaps are the messengers of doom for Indian Malaysians in particular and Malaysians in general.
Happy voting!
Parliament dissolving insensitive
The government has not respected the cultural sensitivities of the Chinese Malaysian community by refraining from dissolving Parliament and calling for a general elections during this period of the Chinese New Year celebrations.
Although it is the right of the ruling party to decide on when to hold the elections, the call for elections during this festive period smacks of arrogance and cultural insensitivity - if not disrespect - to a sizable group of our electorate.
On another matter, election etiquette and good practice in democratic countries also calls for the media to function as a neutral stake player in the information blitz that will hit Malaysians shortly.
Fair coverage of the issues and of all political parties – ruling and opposition - plus honest and factual reporting; observance of the norms of accuracy, balance and fairness have all been in short supply during past elections.
This has earned the country the reputation of being an authoritarian system with considerable manipulation – if not outright electoral fraud - for electoral gains by the ruling autocratic parties.
Now is the time for the media to shed its fear and return to its core professional good values and practices and help change our country for the better.
Dr Lim Teck Ghee
Malaysiakini
Although it is the right of the ruling party to decide on when to hold the elections, the call for elections during this festive period smacks of arrogance and cultural insensitivity - if not disrespect - to a sizable group of our electorate.
On another matter, election etiquette and good practice in democratic countries also calls for the media to function as a neutral stake player in the information blitz that will hit Malaysians shortly.
Fair coverage of the issues and of all political parties – ruling and opposition - plus honest and factual reporting; observance of the norms of accuracy, balance and fairness have all been in short supply during past elections.
This has earned the country the reputation of being an authoritarian system with considerable manipulation – if not outright electoral fraud - for electoral gains by the ruling autocratic parties.
Now is the time for the media to shed its fear and return to its core professional good values and practices and help change our country for the better.
Dr Lim Teck Ghee
Malaysiakini
PM dissolves Parliament, what is the reason being secretive?
The prime minister has called for a press conference at his office at 12.30pm where he is expected to announce the dissolution of the Parliament.MORE
Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi today announced the dissolution of the Parliament at a specially arranged press conference at his office in Putrajaya.
Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi today announced the dissolution of the Parliament at a specially arranged press conference at his office in Putrajaya.
“Stop ‘Arabising’ Malay culture,”
Malays should put a stop to the ‘Arabisation’ of their own culture and challenge those who condemn deep-rooted practices and traditions of the Malay community as unIslamic,”
“The Malays are not Arabs. Therefore, it is important that we do not ‘Arabise’ the Malay culture to the extent that everything that the Arabs do, we must do.”
“The Malay culture arose from time immemorial, even before 1409 when Islam came to Malacca, and we cannot simply ignore that period from which we came.”
“I am not anti-Arab culture and this does not mean I hold contra-views against the Arab culture. In fact, the Arab world has many aspects that have benefited and enriched the world in terms of art, poetry and so on.”
“Even Bahasa Malaysia is imbued with salient influences from Arabia. But the community should not be influenced to the extent that they are blinded into thinking all that is Arabic is good for them.”
“We just, in chorus, say, 'Aha, perhaps so', but we never fight back to say that this is a deep-rooted tradition of the Malays since time immemorial. We should ask, 'Put to us which Islamic tenet is being violated?' Nobody says that.”
“This fervour began in 1983 (during the Iran Revolution) in accepting as gospel anything with the world ‘Islam’ in it.
“In fact, when any Arab acts uncultured, we refer to them as ‘Badwi’. This is of course not to be confused with ‘Badawi’, which is the family name of Prime Minister.”
“If you can remember, our recently-retired Prime Minister, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, once openly criticised Tunku Rahman for gambling with his Chinese friends while there was rioting on the streets on 13 May 1969. Mahathir was then sacked from Umno for this criticism of the Tunku.”
“But that is another matter. The point I am trying to make is the whole country admits that the Tunku gambled. He also owned race horses and never missed his weekends at the Turf Club.”
“The Tunku also never denied he indulged in liquor and told everyone his sin of drinking is between him and God and does not concern any other mortal. All that matters, said the Tunku, is that he was a good prime minister and his gambling and drinking did not make him a bad prime minister.”
Then, in the 1980s, all this changed and we became radical Muslims. We need to bring Malaysia back to the days when we were liberal Muslims, modern Muslims, progressive Muslims, not radical Muslims like today.”
With regards to the contradicting policies of the government in implementing Islamic rules:
“I agree, in the 1960s, Muslim couples could court in the Lake Gardens without any disturbances. I remember couples would be necking in dark corners, under the trees, and behind the bushes in the Lake Gardens. They would also park their cars along Jalan Duta and the road leading to Carcosa Sri Negara and have sex in their cars and no one would come and disturb them.”
“Today, even non-Muslim, Chinese couples, get arrested merely for holding hands. And they did not even do this is dark corners, yet they get arrested.”
“The Malays are not Arabs. Therefore, it is important that we do not ‘Arabise’ the Malay culture to the extent that everything that the Arabs do, we must do.”
“The Malay culture arose from time immemorial, even before 1409 when Islam came to Malacca, and we cannot simply ignore that period from which we came.”
“I am not anti-Arab culture and this does not mean I hold contra-views against the Arab culture. In fact, the Arab world has many aspects that have benefited and enriched the world in terms of art, poetry and so on.”
“Even Bahasa Malaysia is imbued with salient influences from Arabia. But the community should not be influenced to the extent that they are blinded into thinking all that is Arabic is good for them.”
“We just, in chorus, say, 'Aha, perhaps so', but we never fight back to say that this is a deep-rooted tradition of the Malays since time immemorial. We should ask, 'Put to us which Islamic tenet is being violated?' Nobody says that.”
“This fervour began in 1983 (during the Iran Revolution) in accepting as gospel anything with the world ‘Islam’ in it.
“In fact, when any Arab acts uncultured, we refer to them as ‘Badwi’. This is of course not to be confused with ‘Badawi’, which is the family name of Prime Minister.”
“If you can remember, our recently-retired Prime Minister, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, once openly criticised Tunku Rahman for gambling with his Chinese friends while there was rioting on the streets on 13 May 1969. Mahathir was then sacked from Umno for this criticism of the Tunku.”
“But that is another matter. The point I am trying to make is the whole country admits that the Tunku gambled. He also owned race horses and never missed his weekends at the Turf Club.”
“The Tunku also never denied he indulged in liquor and told everyone his sin of drinking is between him and God and does not concern any other mortal. All that matters, said the Tunku, is that he was a good prime minister and his gambling and drinking did not make him a bad prime minister.”
Then, in the 1980s, all this changed and we became radical Muslims. We need to bring Malaysia back to the days when we were liberal Muslims, modern Muslims, progressive Muslims, not radical Muslims like today.”
With regards to the contradicting policies of the government in implementing Islamic rules:
“I agree, in the 1960s, Muslim couples could court in the Lake Gardens without any disturbances. I remember couples would be necking in dark corners, under the trees, and behind the bushes in the Lake Gardens. They would also park their cars along Jalan Duta and the road leading to Carcosa Sri Negara and have sex in their cars and no one would come and disturb them.”
“Today, even non-Muslim, Chinese couples, get arrested merely for holding hands. And they did not even do this is dark corners, yet they get arrested.”
Disclose toll agreements
Members of the Committee Against Unfair Toll Increase (CAUTI), representing a large cross-section of Malaysian society, including members of consumer associations, trade unions, Non-Government Organisations, political parties, women’s organisations, parliamentarians and other civil society groups, wish to register our strongest protest over the 10 per cent North-South Expressway (NSE) toll hike scheduled to take effect on 1 January 2005.
We protest:
the unfair and repeated NSE toll hikes;
the unfair and lopsided NSE concession agreement holding two generations of Malaysians to ransom requiring taxpayers “to pay RM38 billion to PLUS over the next 33 years”.
With the 10% NSE toll hike scheduled to take effect after the next few days, we demand that the government respect public opinion by agreeing to a deferment of the unfair toll hike to allow for a full public study and understanding of its socio-economic and long-term implications.
a) The services provided by PLUS do not warrant a toll hike.
Thousands of users of the NSE often endure congestion at Sungai Besi Toll Plaza and other toll plazas, a reality that has come to be a common feature on the NSE, thus making transportation time quite unpredictable
There are more and more complaints of NSE users being fleeced on the highway, when their telephone calls to Plus Emergency especially at night do not produce PLUS Patrol Assistance Units but private tow operators instead.
Malaysian highway users experience poor services, clogged and broken toilets and deteriorating road conditions on the expressway.
b) Discrepancy in Dato Seri Samy Vellu’s statement?
The Public Works Minister indicated that the government will have to pay PLUS RM154 million a year in compensation or RM38 billion over the next 33 years if PLUS is not allowed to raise the toll charges by 10 per cent on 1 Jan 2005. The grand toll total of the increase for 33 years at RM154 million a year does not add up to RM38 billion but RM5 billion.
What is the cause for this discrepancy?
The Minister responsible, Datuk Seri Samy Vellu, recently told Parliament that the NSE was built for a projected use of 160,000 cars per day but is now being used by 1,200,000 vehicles per day. This suggests that traffic volume is 7.5 times higher then the forecast volume, which also means an increase in toll revenue of some 7.5 times the forecast revenue.
In such circumstances, with the NSE concessionaire enjoying a windfall of traffic volume and toll revenue so many times more than the original forecasts, it would be a strong justification for PLUS not to increase its toll rate unless it can also substantially improve the quality of NSE services.
c) Why a secret extension to 50 years?
The CAUTI wants to know why compensation must be paid to PLUS for the next 33 years until 2038, when the 30-year NSE concession which started in May 1988 is to end in 2030 after a 12-year extension granted in 1999? With another 25 years for the concession to run and at the compensation rate of RM154 million a year, the total compensation payable until the end of the concession period is RM3.85 billion - one tenth of the Minister’s claim of RM38 billion.
Or has there been another extension of the NSE concession by another eight years, making it a 50-year “cash cow” concession for PLUS from 1988 until 2038?
Malaysians are entitled to know whether, when and why PLUS has been secretly given a 50-year concession from an original 25-year concession offer in 1987 without any transparency and accountability to the Malaysian tax-payer.
When the Minister said that PLUS is entitled to RM38 billion compensation from the government over the next 33 years if it is not allowed a 10% increase in the toll rate, does this mean that in the next 33 years PLUS is entitled to a gross toll collection of RM38 billion from the users of the NSE?
d) Escalating transportation costs
Finally, the local press reported recently that there would be eight more three-yearly 10% NSE toll rate increases in the 42-year NSE concession until 2030, giving the following projections for the NSE toll rate structure.
The NSE toll rate from KL to Bukit Kayu Hitam is scheduled to increase to RM130.70 by 2029. Also, the toll rate from KL-Johor Baru stretch is expected to increase to RM105.20 for the same period; and the toll rate for the entire NSE stretch from JB to Bukit Kayu Hitam is anticipated to escalate to RM230.70. The toll rate increase appears to be staggering and has serious medium- and long-term implications for the Malaysian economy.
e) Government credibility
The government had earlier claimed that the toll structure will not allow for any toll increase until 2016; however, it appears that the NSE concession has been secretly extended. Furthermore, the NSC concession agreement is classified as an official secret nearly two decades after it was signed.
We demand that the concession agreement be made public for public scrutiny. It is important for the government to be transparent with the Malaysian public.
YAB Datuk Seri, we demand that the government instruct PLUS to defer the scheduled toll increase indefinitely until the Government and Parliament conducts a thorough study of the issue. Specifically the impact of an increase in transportation cost - on food prices, small- and medium-scale industries, the cost of doing business in the country, the lower middle classes, the fixed income earners and the poor - has to be studied before the scheduled toll increase is implemented.
Aliran
We protest:
the unfair and repeated NSE toll hikes;
the unfair and lopsided NSE concession agreement holding two generations of Malaysians to ransom requiring taxpayers “to pay RM38 billion to PLUS over the next 33 years”.
With the 10% NSE toll hike scheduled to take effect after the next few days, we demand that the government respect public opinion by agreeing to a deferment of the unfair toll hike to allow for a full public study and understanding of its socio-economic and long-term implications.
a) The services provided by PLUS do not warrant a toll hike.
Thousands of users of the NSE often endure congestion at Sungai Besi Toll Plaza and other toll plazas, a reality that has come to be a common feature on the NSE, thus making transportation time quite unpredictable
There are more and more complaints of NSE users being fleeced on the highway, when their telephone calls to Plus Emergency especially at night do not produce PLUS Patrol Assistance Units but private tow operators instead.
Malaysian highway users experience poor services, clogged and broken toilets and deteriorating road conditions on the expressway.
b) Discrepancy in Dato Seri Samy Vellu’s statement?
The Public Works Minister indicated that the government will have to pay PLUS RM154 million a year in compensation or RM38 billion over the next 33 years if PLUS is not allowed to raise the toll charges by 10 per cent on 1 Jan 2005. The grand toll total of the increase for 33 years at RM154 million a year does not add up to RM38 billion but RM5 billion.
What is the cause for this discrepancy?
The Minister responsible, Datuk Seri Samy Vellu, recently told Parliament that the NSE was built for a projected use of 160,000 cars per day but is now being used by 1,200,000 vehicles per day. This suggests that traffic volume is 7.5 times higher then the forecast volume, which also means an increase in toll revenue of some 7.5 times the forecast revenue.
In such circumstances, with the NSE concessionaire enjoying a windfall of traffic volume and toll revenue so many times more than the original forecasts, it would be a strong justification for PLUS not to increase its toll rate unless it can also substantially improve the quality of NSE services.
c) Why a secret extension to 50 years?
The CAUTI wants to know why compensation must be paid to PLUS for the next 33 years until 2038, when the 30-year NSE concession which started in May 1988 is to end in 2030 after a 12-year extension granted in 1999? With another 25 years for the concession to run and at the compensation rate of RM154 million a year, the total compensation payable until the end of the concession period is RM3.85 billion - one tenth of the Minister’s claim of RM38 billion.
Or has there been another extension of the NSE concession by another eight years, making it a 50-year “cash cow” concession for PLUS from 1988 until 2038?
Malaysians are entitled to know whether, when and why PLUS has been secretly given a 50-year concession from an original 25-year concession offer in 1987 without any transparency and accountability to the Malaysian tax-payer.
When the Minister said that PLUS is entitled to RM38 billion compensation from the government over the next 33 years if it is not allowed a 10% increase in the toll rate, does this mean that in the next 33 years PLUS is entitled to a gross toll collection of RM38 billion from the users of the NSE?
d) Escalating transportation costs
Finally, the local press reported recently that there would be eight more three-yearly 10% NSE toll rate increases in the 42-year NSE concession until 2030, giving the following projections for the NSE toll rate structure.
The NSE toll rate from KL to Bukit Kayu Hitam is scheduled to increase to RM130.70 by 2029. Also, the toll rate from KL-Johor Baru stretch is expected to increase to RM105.20 for the same period; and the toll rate for the entire NSE stretch from JB to Bukit Kayu Hitam is anticipated to escalate to RM230.70. The toll rate increase appears to be staggering and has serious medium- and long-term implications for the Malaysian economy.
e) Government credibility
The government had earlier claimed that the toll structure will not allow for any toll increase until 2016; however, it appears that the NSE concession has been secretly extended. Furthermore, the NSC concession agreement is classified as an official secret nearly two decades after it was signed.
We demand that the concession agreement be made public for public scrutiny. It is important for the government to be transparent with the Malaysian public.
YAB Datuk Seri, we demand that the government instruct PLUS to defer the scheduled toll increase indefinitely until the Government and Parliament conducts a thorough study of the issue. Specifically the impact of an increase in transportation cost - on food prices, small- and medium-scale industries, the cost of doing business in the country, the lower middle classes, the fixed income earners and the poor - has to be studied before the scheduled toll increase is implemented.
Aliran
Malaysia’s Undeclared Secrets
OVER the past few months Malaysia has witnessed a number of popular demonstrations over the rise in prices of highway tolls.
What has angered many ordinary Malaysians, however, was the recent revelation that the Malaysian government had signed an agreement with a Malaysian company, Linkaran Trans Kota, marking yet another toll concession between the government and a private company. As highway toll prices skyrocket all over the country, the average Malaysian consumer now finds himself increasingly constrained by rising costs of everyday goods and services. Moreover, thousands of Malaysians today are forced to commute from the various satellite townships that dot the urban landscape of the country to get to work in their offices in the cities. Yet on January 1, the toll rates on five of the country’s major highways were raised from between 30 to 70 per cent, infuriating many. As such, a rise of toll prices would invariably affect thousands of ordinary Malaysians whose consumption power has been reduced as a result.
What worries and angers so many Malaysians, however, is the fact that the toll concession between the Malaysian government and the private company was done behind closed doors, and that the toll agreement itself was classified as a secret document under the Official Secrets Act (OSA). This, despite the fact that the Official Secrets Act as it was drafted in 1972 was originally meant to protect state secrets related to matters of national defence and security.
When several members of the opposition alliance in Malaysia revealed the document before a startled Malaysian public a few weeks ago, the Malaysian government reacted by declaring that the toll concession agreement was an official secret document and that the opposition leaders had broken the law. The net result of this has been the summoning of several prominent opposition leaders, including Dr Hatta Ramli of the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), Ronnie Liu of the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Tian Chua of the People’s Justice Party (Keadilan) to the central Police headquarters in Kuala Lumpur. Tian Chua’s house and office have also been raided by the police, in search of the crucial document that the government does not wish to be made public.
That the government’s toll concession agreement has been declared an official state secret is not new in Malaysia, where any document can be classified as a state secret document. Earlier the Malaysian people’s Coalition Against the Privatisation of Water had demanded that the state’s agreement with private water companies be made public too; but met with a similar response from the state. The Minister for Energy, Water and Communications simply responded by saying that such matters were classified as state secrets and could not be divulged to the public.
The persecution of opposition leaders like Hatta Ramli, Ronnie Liu and Tian Chua raises serious questions about the so-called ‘reform agenda’ of Malaysia’s Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. Opposition leader Lim Kit Siang of the Democratic Action Party (DAP) has raised the obvious question: “Is the Official Secrets Act (OSA) only used against whistleblowers and not against profiteers?” That Kit Siang can ask such a question today is evident when “we have a situation where the OSA is used to protect privatisation contracts from being exposed for its ‘lop-sidedness and short-changing the public’, but where OSA is not invoked so long as the details of the concession are used to flog for funds and investors in the marketplace?” After a series of angry public demonstrations – most of which were met by strong police reaction – Kit Siang’s question is being asked by thousands of Malaysians all over the country too.
When he first came to power, Badawi had promised a new era of transparent and accountable governance. Yet despite the froth and rhetoric of the current establishment based in Putrajaya the Malaysian public is none the wiser about government deals with the private sector that are being done behind closed doors. The skeletons that crowd the bursting closet of the Badawi establishment are now spilling out into the open, with allegations of numerous government cover-ups in high-profile cases of corruption and abuse of power.
How far is the Malaysian government prepared to come clean in its dealings with the private sector in the country, and how much information is the Malaysian public allowed to have access to, in order to know what the government is doing in their name? With additional pressure for reform coming from growing competition all across Asia and the steady flight of capital from Southeast Asia to rapidly developing countries like China and India, it would seem that the momentum of change is already in place. Foreign companies and foreign governments like the United States of America and Japan are clamouring for more accountability and transparency in the way that Malaysia manages its economy and development. And the Malaysian public – now increasingly wired-up by the internet and alternative sources of information and news – is also calling for more openness and change.
But several years into the administration of the Badawi government, it would appear as if nothing has really changed in the country and that business is being run as it has always been: In secret, behind closed doors and with the Malaysian public kept in the dark. Is this the new face of ‘moderate, modern, Islamic’ governance that Malaysia wishes to promote to the world? If so, judging by the standards on display thus far, the Malaysian model hardly seems to be one worth emulating by anyone.
Dr Farish A Noor
Malaysian political scientist and human rights activist
Khaleej Times Online
What has angered many ordinary Malaysians, however, was the recent revelation that the Malaysian government had signed an agreement with a Malaysian company, Linkaran Trans Kota, marking yet another toll concession between the government and a private company. As highway toll prices skyrocket all over the country, the average Malaysian consumer now finds himself increasingly constrained by rising costs of everyday goods and services. Moreover, thousands of Malaysians today are forced to commute from the various satellite townships that dot the urban landscape of the country to get to work in their offices in the cities. Yet on January 1, the toll rates on five of the country’s major highways were raised from between 30 to 70 per cent, infuriating many. As such, a rise of toll prices would invariably affect thousands of ordinary Malaysians whose consumption power has been reduced as a result.
What worries and angers so many Malaysians, however, is the fact that the toll concession between the Malaysian government and the private company was done behind closed doors, and that the toll agreement itself was classified as a secret document under the Official Secrets Act (OSA). This, despite the fact that the Official Secrets Act as it was drafted in 1972 was originally meant to protect state secrets related to matters of national defence and security.
When several members of the opposition alliance in Malaysia revealed the document before a startled Malaysian public a few weeks ago, the Malaysian government reacted by declaring that the toll concession agreement was an official secret document and that the opposition leaders had broken the law. The net result of this has been the summoning of several prominent opposition leaders, including Dr Hatta Ramli of the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), Ronnie Liu of the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Tian Chua of the People’s Justice Party (Keadilan) to the central Police headquarters in Kuala Lumpur. Tian Chua’s house and office have also been raided by the police, in search of the crucial document that the government does not wish to be made public.
That the government’s toll concession agreement has been declared an official state secret is not new in Malaysia, where any document can be classified as a state secret document. Earlier the Malaysian people’s Coalition Against the Privatisation of Water had demanded that the state’s agreement with private water companies be made public too; but met with a similar response from the state. The Minister for Energy, Water and Communications simply responded by saying that such matters were classified as state secrets and could not be divulged to the public.
The persecution of opposition leaders like Hatta Ramli, Ronnie Liu and Tian Chua raises serious questions about the so-called ‘reform agenda’ of Malaysia’s Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. Opposition leader Lim Kit Siang of the Democratic Action Party (DAP) has raised the obvious question: “Is the Official Secrets Act (OSA) only used against whistleblowers and not against profiteers?” That Kit Siang can ask such a question today is evident when “we have a situation where the OSA is used to protect privatisation contracts from being exposed for its ‘lop-sidedness and short-changing the public’, but where OSA is not invoked so long as the details of the concession are used to flog for funds and investors in the marketplace?” After a series of angry public demonstrations – most of which were met by strong police reaction – Kit Siang’s question is being asked by thousands of Malaysians all over the country too.
When he first came to power, Badawi had promised a new era of transparent and accountable governance. Yet despite the froth and rhetoric of the current establishment based in Putrajaya the Malaysian public is none the wiser about government deals with the private sector that are being done behind closed doors. The skeletons that crowd the bursting closet of the Badawi establishment are now spilling out into the open, with allegations of numerous government cover-ups in high-profile cases of corruption and abuse of power.
How far is the Malaysian government prepared to come clean in its dealings with the private sector in the country, and how much information is the Malaysian public allowed to have access to, in order to know what the government is doing in their name? With additional pressure for reform coming from growing competition all across Asia and the steady flight of capital from Southeast Asia to rapidly developing countries like China and India, it would seem that the momentum of change is already in place. Foreign companies and foreign governments like the United States of America and Japan are clamouring for more accountability and transparency in the way that Malaysia manages its economy and development. And the Malaysian public – now increasingly wired-up by the internet and alternative sources of information and news – is also calling for more openness and change.
But several years into the administration of the Badawi government, it would appear as if nothing has really changed in the country and that business is being run as it has always been: In secret, behind closed doors and with the Malaysian public kept in the dark. Is this the new face of ‘moderate, modern, Islamic’ governance that Malaysia wishes to promote to the world? If so, judging by the standards on display thus far, the Malaysian model hardly seems to be one worth emulating by anyone.
Dr Farish A Noor
Malaysian political scientist and human rights activist
Khaleej Times Online
When will be the general election be called?
Only the prime minister knows. You know the guessing game has been going on for one year. What were the previous members of Parliament and state assembly-persons voted in for? Nothing but for wasting the taxpayers’ money!
The tenure for the government voted in is five years but in actual fact it always lasts for only four years. The representatives would work for three years and will spend the fourth year preparing for elections. Worse still are those getting another salary for being a cabinet minister! They get paid while doing their campaigning.
We should change the system for the general election. We should remove the power of the PM to dissolve Parliament. The government should complete its full five years of tenure. Unless there is an emergency in between, the King should not endorse the dissolving of Parliament.
The advantage in this is that the ruling coalition would be careful in running the country. They will never be able to call for an election to their advantage. The flaws of in the elections system in the past have resulted in unfair elections and this has subsequently resulted in a ‘bully government’.
I pray that the citizens will wake up to see the flaws. It is time for a change. We see that since the time of the former premier until now, things have been getting worse each day: These include:
Limited freedom of speech with newspapers being constantly warned and some banned.
Rampant corruption. Unfortunately only the ikan bilis (small fry) are caught.
Decimation of the judiciary. It was and is never independent.
Out of the 27 million in population, only a minor percentage are being taken care of by the government to become rich people. While these rich and mighty are driving luxury cars, living in bungalows and playing golf three times a week, the rest are struggling to survive.
In conclusion, when is the general election? Let me guess. If I am wrong, don’t blame me, blame the flawed system
Ah Tan
malaysiakini
The tenure for the government voted in is five years but in actual fact it always lasts for only four years. The representatives would work for three years and will spend the fourth year preparing for elections. Worse still are those getting another salary for being a cabinet minister! They get paid while doing their campaigning.
We should change the system for the general election. We should remove the power of the PM to dissolve Parliament. The government should complete its full five years of tenure. Unless there is an emergency in between, the King should not endorse the dissolving of Parliament.
The advantage in this is that the ruling coalition would be careful in running the country. They will never be able to call for an election to their advantage. The flaws of in the elections system in the past have resulted in unfair elections and this has subsequently resulted in a ‘bully government’.
I pray that the citizens will wake up to see the flaws. It is time for a change. We see that since the time of the former premier until now, things have been getting worse each day: These include:
Limited freedom of speech with newspapers being constantly warned and some banned.
Rampant corruption. Unfortunately only the ikan bilis (small fry) are caught.
Decimation of the judiciary. It was and is never independent.
Out of the 27 million in population, only a minor percentage are being taken care of by the government to become rich people. While these rich and mighty are driving luxury cars, living in bungalows and playing golf three times a week, the rest are struggling to survive.
In conclusion, when is the general election? Let me guess. If I am wrong, don’t blame me, blame the flawed system
Ah Tan
malaysiakini
South Indian Labour Fund amounting to TRILLIONS, vanished but where?
During the British rule, a South Indian Labour Fund was set up primarily as a pension cum repatriation plan for the indentured Indians who, having completed their stint in Malaya, now wished to go back.
Upon independence, the British released this fund to the locals and it was indeed administered for the benefit of these labourers.
This explains how the fund was dissolved but what has happened to it now?
What was the original amount given by the British? What is its value when it was dissolved in 1999?
What happened to all the property?
The value of it, 1958 to 1999, must be equivalent to trillions today. Who had decided to give it up? Were the opinions of the Indians sought?
Or was Samy Vellu only consulted?
It looks like the government had taken over the fund.
Where is the money now and who benefitted when it was dissolved?
Indians must look into this issue seriously and investigate where the money went to.
What form of action can we take to retrieve the money that is rightfully ours?
Are we not living in a democratic country where nobody can take what is ours?
View the side bar for more details
Upon independence, the British released this fund to the locals and it was indeed administered for the benefit of these labourers.
This explains how the fund was dissolved but what has happened to it now?
What was the original amount given by the British? What is its value when it was dissolved in 1999?
What happened to all the property?
The value of it, 1958 to 1999, must be equivalent to trillions today. Who had decided to give it up? Were the opinions of the Indians sought?
Or was Samy Vellu only consulted?
It looks like the government had taken over the fund.
Where is the money now and who benefitted when it was dissolved?
Indians must look into this issue seriously and investigate where the money went to.
What form of action can we take to retrieve the money that is rightfully ours?
Are we not living in a democratic country where nobody can take what is ours?
View the side bar for more details
MY HANDS ARE TIED . THERE IS NOTHING I CAN DO
(Media Conference Statement by Ishwar Nahappan on joining the DAP in Penang on Sunday, 10th February 2008 at 10.30 am)
My father Tan Sri Athi Nahappan died 32 years ago . On April 4th 1976 , one month before he died he made a speech at a dinner in his honor by the Penang State MIC at Wisma Perseketuan .
Let me read you a paragraph from his speech .
The Government is now concerned with the eradication of poverty of all the races. This will be emphasized in our 3rd Malaysia Plan .
Poverty is to be found in every community. In solving poverty we should not think of Malay poverty, Chinese poverty or Indian poverty. There can only be one poverty and that is NATIONAL POVERTY which must be solved regardless of race. I am aware that the Prime Minister (Tun Hussein Onn) is determined to eliminate the poverty of the nation as a whole. The answer to poverty is the equal distribution of opportunities, income and wealth. The MIC is determined to work with the govt to ensure that this will happen.
A few weeks ago Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi said, There are not just poor Indians, but also poor Chinese, Malays and other Bumiputras as well. This is why eradicating poverty among Malaysians, and I stress the word Malaysians, has been on our agenda and remains one of our priorities.
Ladies and gentleman, what Prime Minister Badawi said was first mentioned by my father 32 years ago. Obviously, nothing has changed and the Barisan government continues to make empty promises.
Events of recent months have clearly shown that the MIC leadership has dismally failed in their duty to ensure that the Indian community has had equal opportunities or equal distribution of wealth and income as outlined by my father in 1976. In fact, the MIC has totally neglected to address the desperate conditions faced by large sections of the Malaysian Indian community. This transcends every facet of human life and endeavor.
Whether it is in EMPLOYMENT, EDUCATION, HOUSING, CORPORATE WEALTH or simply EQUAL OPPORTUNITIES, the Indian Community as a whole has fallen behind and missed out these last 28 years.
Let me give you some facts.
- There are less than 3-4% Indians studying in the Govt Universities.
- Indians comprise less than 1% of those who were given the opportunity to study Nursing in the various Government Nursing Colleges .
- Malaysian Indians have, over a fifteen year period, comprised less than 2.5% of the annual student intake of teacher training colleges.
- Malaysian Indians have received less than 1% of all scholarships awarded by Govt and Govt-related bodies .
- Less than 1% of those training as officer cadets in Military Colleges are Indians.
- For the last 15 years, Indians have numbered less than 2% annually of those who underwent training as police officers.
- The situation in the Malaysian Civil Service is even more grim and appalling. One can walk into any Govt department and you will be hard pressed to find an Indian or Chinese in the clerical and administrative sections. For example, in the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, in KL, out of 400 staff, there are only 2 Indians and 3 Chinese.
- The KTM , which was a traditional source of employment for the Indian Community , is recruiting less than 3% Indians on an annual basis.
- As of 6th Feb08 , the total market capitalization of the KLCI was 764 Bln ringgit. I estimate the Malaysian Indian Community accounts for less than 1% of the listed Corporate wealth of the country .
In 1971, three foreign Indian banks then operating in Malaysia prior to Independence were merged as the United Asian Bank . A signatory to the merger documents was my late father. In 1973 the United Asian Bank started operations, with one of its management objectives, to provide capital and financial support to Indian entrepreneurial development . Another objective was to provide management training for Malaysian Indians. As a matter of interest, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah was one of the banks earliest management trainees.
Like many Malaysian banks during the 1980s , UAB got into problems from which it largely recovered . However, unlike the other banks, UAB was forced to merge with the Bank of Commerce in the early 90s.
There lies another story THE UNSEEN HAND OF DAIM .
Another Malaysia Indian based bank at that time was Bank Buruh . That bank, too, was also forced to merge with Bank Simpanan Nasional. Malaysian Indians effectively lost the only 2 banks that they had control of. When approached by many members of the community to prevent this happening, including a special delegation, Dato Samy Vellu , the purported leader of the Indian Community, responded MY HANDS ARE TIED . THERE IS NOTHING I CAN DO.
As a result, the Indian Community as a whole have been without the support of an Indian based Financial Institution . Now we are informed that Dato(?) Vel Pari the Managing Director of MAIKA Holdings and SAMY VELLUs son is selling off the only remaining financial institution which the community at least has some indirect interest. That is United Oriental Assurance.
The MIC and the Govt originally refused to admit and maintained a state of denial about the genuine issues raised by Hindraf. Now that the elections are about to be announced and the Govt , in particular the PM and DPM , have softened their positions and typically distributing their token largesse, including declaring a public holiday for Thaipusam. Prime Minister, we do not want a public holiday. What we want is jobs and equal opportunities. Malaysia has enough public holidays.
Even the great Samy Vellu now admits he needs to change the MPs and the faces of MIC . The deputy PM has even gone on to suggest that the MIC rebrand itself . Dear Dato Samy Velu, can I suggest that a more appropriate brand for the Malaysian Indian Congress be The Malaysian Indian Conmen?
In the early 1970s when I was a student in London , Samy Vellu advised me, in a taxi drive from London Heathrow airport, the subject matter being a watch and his application to the ARIBA . I will hold that discussion in confidence but I would now like to advise him that YOU CAN CON SOME OF THE PEOPLE SOME OF THE TIME BUT YOU CANNOT CON ALL OF THE PEOPLE ALL OF THE TIME . In the eyes of many, he has single handedly been responsible for the current plight of the Indian Community than any other person but even more insidious than that , he has largely destroyed their self respect and pride. Whilst over the past 30 years, the Indian diaspora all over the world has progressed and excelled in all aspects of human endeavour , the Indian community as a whole has regressed and is today in a worse state than it has ever been .
SHAME ON YOU SAMY VELLU, SHAME ON YOU MIC!
I have not taken the decision to support the DAP and Keadilan lightly . Prior to the elections in 1999 , totally disgusted with Dr Mahathir and everything he represented, I met Datin Sri Wan Azizah Ismail as well as Kit Siang and offered my support to both of them. At that time I was not prepared to openly support either party . However, I went on to spend some time with Kit Siang in the run up to polling day in Penang . I also spent a little time with Dr Jeyakumar Devaraj who stood against Samy Vellu . It was a David vs Goliath match. I leave you no guesses as to who Goliath was both in shape and mentality but unfortunately unlike the biblical story, David was beaten by Goliath.
In the general election of 2004, like dead men clutching at straws , so many of us put our trust in Pak Lah hoping and praying that with the departure of the dreaded Mahathir , Pak Lah would bring some fundamental change to the state of the nation and I did not offer any support to either Keadilan or DAP .
Alas, this was not to be as we have merely exchanged a wolf in sheeps clothing for a sheep in sheeps clothing, and the wool continues to be pulled over our eyes. And nothing has changed or will change with the current leadership as these failed policies will continue in different clothing.
Symptoms of these failed policies include
1. The Evil of Corruption:
The same endemic corruption that started and flourished with the advent of the Mahathir and Daim eras continues unabated with a life of its own and always with subsequent cover ups. We have the 6.75 Bln Ringgit naval boat fiasco unearthed by none other than the auditor general and the 4.60 Bln Ringgit Port Klang free Zone Ghost town.
2. The Evil ISA:
The continuance of this evil draconian act which was used by the British over 50 years ago against communist terrorists has been viciously brought to bear on 5 innocent men who have merely identified the plight of ordinary Malaysian Citizens.
3. The Evil Police Brutality:
The recent demonstrations by 2000 peaceful lawyers defending fundamental democratic rights and the constitution was met with such ferocity by the police, with overhead helicopters and water cannons being used against them.
Innocent Hindraf supporters were sprayed with chemical laced water. In this room we have a living example of police brutality. Memories are so short but it was Dato Anwar Ibrahim who was beaten up brutally by the IGP, who directly reported to Mahathir as Home Minister, who if we remember, tried initially to claim that the injuries were self-inflicted.
4. The Evil of Violence:
Pak Lah promised that the Barisan Nasional will improve the level of personal safety of every individual and it would enhance the efficiency of the police force. Individual Security has deteriorated to such a level that ordinary citizens fear to walk the streets alone even during midday or go into carparks of shopping centres. Till today the police have failed miserably in apprehending the perpetrators of the vicious sodomy and murder of a 9-year-old girl in Selayang, nor the murderer of 8-year-old Nurin Jazlin from Kampng Bahru .
Without proper employment opportunities, low self esteem Indian thugs roam the streets and it was just 4 weeks ago that an Indian lady with 2 young children had her neck decapitated for her gold necklace in Taman Sentosa near Klang. In Johor Bahru, the sister of a well known Singaporean author died as a result of her head being bashed in by armed robbers while bystanders were unable to do anything. Crimes like this are becoming so rampant that neighbourhood vigilante groups are growing.
And according to the Prime Minister, quote â€Å“The current police training academy cannot accommodate a surge in trainees, more centres need to be built first. The ratio of police to the population ideally should be 1:250 people but, in Subang, for example, the ratio is 1:3,000.(End of quote)
This is clearly a complete lack of planning. If the Prime Minister, who is also the Home Minister is not sleeping, who is?
5. The Evil of Communalism :
Communalism continues to be perpetrated by keris-wielding Barisan leaders who, bankrupt of real ideas or solutions, continue to play politics of the lowest order. MCA leaders are told to shut up, and they meekly sokong. Families have been devastated by the intrusion by officers to retrieve dead bodies of their kin in the name of religion. Communalism has spread to the very fabric of our schools , our colleges and universities. Even at the Primary school level, children of different races do not mix with each other and stick to their own communities. This is a sad situation and does not bode well for the future of our country.
6. The Evil of Overspending :
We have seen the reintroduction of 150 bln ringgit worth of mega projects. It remains to be seen who will be the ultimate beneficiaries of some of these mega projects but if history is anything to go by, then the spoils will be shared by the Putras of UMNO, MCA and MIC. These mega projects are taking place despite the ordinary man having to face harsh realities of rising prices of fuel , cooking oil , rice and basic subsistence commodities.
This evil that is destroying the state of this nation just cannot go on .
Edmund Burke , a famous 18th Century Irish statesman and philosopher said ALL THAT IS NECESSARY FOR THE TRIUMPH OF EVIL IS THAT ORDINARY MEN DO NOTHING
I decided to stop being an arm chair politician and do something. I am here today because I believe that our nation is on a slow but steady path to irreversible ruin. Our people, and the children of our people, will not prosper or have the chance to prosper as they rightfully deserve unless we all realize the urgency of the situation, and the necessity of each and everyone of us standing up to say NO MORE!
Thank you.
My father Tan Sri Athi Nahappan died 32 years ago . On April 4th 1976 , one month before he died he made a speech at a dinner in his honor by the Penang State MIC at Wisma Perseketuan .
Let me read you a paragraph from his speech .
The Government is now concerned with the eradication of poverty of all the races. This will be emphasized in our 3rd Malaysia Plan .
Poverty is to be found in every community. In solving poverty we should not think of Malay poverty, Chinese poverty or Indian poverty. There can only be one poverty and that is NATIONAL POVERTY which must be solved regardless of race. I am aware that the Prime Minister (Tun Hussein Onn) is determined to eliminate the poverty of the nation as a whole. The answer to poverty is the equal distribution of opportunities, income and wealth. The MIC is determined to work with the govt to ensure that this will happen.
A few weeks ago Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi said, There are not just poor Indians, but also poor Chinese, Malays and other Bumiputras as well. This is why eradicating poverty among Malaysians, and I stress the word Malaysians, has been on our agenda and remains one of our priorities.
Ladies and gentleman, what Prime Minister Badawi said was first mentioned by my father 32 years ago. Obviously, nothing has changed and the Barisan government continues to make empty promises.
Events of recent months have clearly shown that the MIC leadership has dismally failed in their duty to ensure that the Indian community has had equal opportunities or equal distribution of wealth and income as outlined by my father in 1976. In fact, the MIC has totally neglected to address the desperate conditions faced by large sections of the Malaysian Indian community. This transcends every facet of human life and endeavor.
Whether it is in EMPLOYMENT, EDUCATION, HOUSING, CORPORATE WEALTH or simply EQUAL OPPORTUNITIES, the Indian Community as a whole has fallen behind and missed out these last 28 years.
Let me give you some facts.
- There are less than 3-4% Indians studying in the Govt Universities.
- Indians comprise less than 1% of those who were given the opportunity to study Nursing in the various Government Nursing Colleges .
- Malaysian Indians have, over a fifteen year period, comprised less than 2.5% of the annual student intake of teacher training colleges.
- Malaysian Indians have received less than 1% of all scholarships awarded by Govt and Govt-related bodies .
- Less than 1% of those training as officer cadets in Military Colleges are Indians.
- For the last 15 years, Indians have numbered less than 2% annually of those who underwent training as police officers.
- The situation in the Malaysian Civil Service is even more grim and appalling. One can walk into any Govt department and you will be hard pressed to find an Indian or Chinese in the clerical and administrative sections. For example, in the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, in KL, out of 400 staff, there are only 2 Indians and 3 Chinese.
- The KTM , which was a traditional source of employment for the Indian Community , is recruiting less than 3% Indians on an annual basis.
- As of 6th Feb08 , the total market capitalization of the KLCI was 764 Bln ringgit. I estimate the Malaysian Indian Community accounts for less than 1% of the listed Corporate wealth of the country .
In 1971, three foreign Indian banks then operating in Malaysia prior to Independence were merged as the United Asian Bank . A signatory to the merger documents was my late father. In 1973 the United Asian Bank started operations, with one of its management objectives, to provide capital and financial support to Indian entrepreneurial development . Another objective was to provide management training for Malaysian Indians. As a matter of interest, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah was one of the banks earliest management trainees.
Like many Malaysian banks during the 1980s , UAB got into problems from which it largely recovered . However, unlike the other banks, UAB was forced to merge with the Bank of Commerce in the early 90s.
There lies another story THE UNSEEN HAND OF DAIM .
Another Malaysia Indian based bank at that time was Bank Buruh . That bank, too, was also forced to merge with Bank Simpanan Nasional. Malaysian Indians effectively lost the only 2 banks that they had control of. When approached by many members of the community to prevent this happening, including a special delegation, Dato Samy Vellu , the purported leader of the Indian Community, responded MY HANDS ARE TIED . THERE IS NOTHING I CAN DO.
As a result, the Indian Community as a whole have been without the support of an Indian based Financial Institution . Now we are informed that Dato(?) Vel Pari the Managing Director of MAIKA Holdings and SAMY VELLUs son is selling off the only remaining financial institution which the community at least has some indirect interest. That is United Oriental Assurance.
The MIC and the Govt originally refused to admit and maintained a state of denial about the genuine issues raised by Hindraf. Now that the elections are about to be announced and the Govt , in particular the PM and DPM , have softened their positions and typically distributing their token largesse, including declaring a public holiday for Thaipusam. Prime Minister, we do not want a public holiday. What we want is jobs and equal opportunities. Malaysia has enough public holidays.
Even the great Samy Vellu now admits he needs to change the MPs and the faces of MIC . The deputy PM has even gone on to suggest that the MIC rebrand itself . Dear Dato Samy Velu, can I suggest that a more appropriate brand for the Malaysian Indian Congress be The Malaysian Indian Conmen?
In the early 1970s when I was a student in London , Samy Vellu advised me, in a taxi drive from London Heathrow airport, the subject matter being a watch and his application to the ARIBA . I will hold that discussion in confidence but I would now like to advise him that YOU CAN CON SOME OF THE PEOPLE SOME OF THE TIME BUT YOU CANNOT CON ALL OF THE PEOPLE ALL OF THE TIME . In the eyes of many, he has single handedly been responsible for the current plight of the Indian Community than any other person but even more insidious than that , he has largely destroyed their self respect and pride. Whilst over the past 30 years, the Indian diaspora all over the world has progressed and excelled in all aspects of human endeavour , the Indian community as a whole has regressed and is today in a worse state than it has ever been .
SHAME ON YOU SAMY VELLU, SHAME ON YOU MIC!
I have not taken the decision to support the DAP and Keadilan lightly . Prior to the elections in 1999 , totally disgusted with Dr Mahathir and everything he represented, I met Datin Sri Wan Azizah Ismail as well as Kit Siang and offered my support to both of them. At that time I was not prepared to openly support either party . However, I went on to spend some time with Kit Siang in the run up to polling day in Penang . I also spent a little time with Dr Jeyakumar Devaraj who stood against Samy Vellu . It was a David vs Goliath match. I leave you no guesses as to who Goliath was both in shape and mentality but unfortunately unlike the biblical story, David was beaten by Goliath.
In the general election of 2004, like dead men clutching at straws , so many of us put our trust in Pak Lah hoping and praying that with the departure of the dreaded Mahathir , Pak Lah would bring some fundamental change to the state of the nation and I did not offer any support to either Keadilan or DAP .
Alas, this was not to be as we have merely exchanged a wolf in sheeps clothing for a sheep in sheeps clothing, and the wool continues to be pulled over our eyes. And nothing has changed or will change with the current leadership as these failed policies will continue in different clothing.
Symptoms of these failed policies include
1. The Evil of Corruption:
The same endemic corruption that started and flourished with the advent of the Mahathir and Daim eras continues unabated with a life of its own and always with subsequent cover ups. We have the 6.75 Bln Ringgit naval boat fiasco unearthed by none other than the auditor general and the 4.60 Bln Ringgit Port Klang free Zone Ghost town.
2. The Evil ISA:
The continuance of this evil draconian act which was used by the British over 50 years ago against communist terrorists has been viciously brought to bear on 5 innocent men who have merely identified the plight of ordinary Malaysian Citizens.
3. The Evil Police Brutality:
The recent demonstrations by 2000 peaceful lawyers defending fundamental democratic rights and the constitution was met with such ferocity by the police, with overhead helicopters and water cannons being used against them.
Innocent Hindraf supporters were sprayed with chemical laced water. In this room we have a living example of police brutality. Memories are so short but it was Dato Anwar Ibrahim who was beaten up brutally by the IGP, who directly reported to Mahathir as Home Minister, who if we remember, tried initially to claim that the injuries were self-inflicted.
4. The Evil of Violence:
Pak Lah promised that the Barisan Nasional will improve the level of personal safety of every individual and it would enhance the efficiency of the police force. Individual Security has deteriorated to such a level that ordinary citizens fear to walk the streets alone even during midday or go into carparks of shopping centres. Till today the police have failed miserably in apprehending the perpetrators of the vicious sodomy and murder of a 9-year-old girl in Selayang, nor the murderer of 8-year-old Nurin Jazlin from Kampng Bahru .
Without proper employment opportunities, low self esteem Indian thugs roam the streets and it was just 4 weeks ago that an Indian lady with 2 young children had her neck decapitated for her gold necklace in Taman Sentosa near Klang. In Johor Bahru, the sister of a well known Singaporean author died as a result of her head being bashed in by armed robbers while bystanders were unable to do anything. Crimes like this are becoming so rampant that neighbourhood vigilante groups are growing.
And according to the Prime Minister, quote â€Å“The current police training academy cannot accommodate a surge in trainees, more centres need to be built first. The ratio of police to the population ideally should be 1:250 people but, in Subang, for example, the ratio is 1:3,000.(End of quote)
This is clearly a complete lack of planning. If the Prime Minister, who is also the Home Minister is not sleeping, who is?
5. The Evil of Communalism :
Communalism continues to be perpetrated by keris-wielding Barisan leaders who, bankrupt of real ideas or solutions, continue to play politics of the lowest order. MCA leaders are told to shut up, and they meekly sokong. Families have been devastated by the intrusion by officers to retrieve dead bodies of their kin in the name of religion. Communalism has spread to the very fabric of our schools , our colleges and universities. Even at the Primary school level, children of different races do not mix with each other and stick to their own communities. This is a sad situation and does not bode well for the future of our country.
6. The Evil of Overspending :
We have seen the reintroduction of 150 bln ringgit worth of mega projects. It remains to be seen who will be the ultimate beneficiaries of some of these mega projects but if history is anything to go by, then the spoils will be shared by the Putras of UMNO, MCA and MIC. These mega projects are taking place despite the ordinary man having to face harsh realities of rising prices of fuel , cooking oil , rice and basic subsistence commodities.
This evil that is destroying the state of this nation just cannot go on .
Edmund Burke , a famous 18th Century Irish statesman and philosopher said ALL THAT IS NECESSARY FOR THE TRIUMPH OF EVIL IS THAT ORDINARY MEN DO NOTHING
I decided to stop being an arm chair politician and do something. I am here today because I believe that our nation is on a slow but steady path to irreversible ruin. Our people, and the children of our people, will not prosper or have the chance to prosper as they rightfully deserve unless we all realize the urgency of the situation, and the necessity of each and everyone of us standing up to say NO MORE!
Thank you.
On Site Report : Vwaishnavi Waythamoorthy meeting at Penang CM office.
Videos available in Pt.1, 2, 3 & 4 at: http://www.youtube.com/sanmorgan
12 Feb 2008 , At 10:30am, The 5 year Vwaishnavi Waythamoorthy arrived at the KOMTAR wearing Indian traditional dress while carrying a roses and she was accompanied by several other children. The purposes of her trip was to handover the Invite for Chief Ministry (CM) of Penang asking him to accompany her to the Parliament House on 16 Feb.
The groups meet up with the Press Secretary (PS) of the CM at the doorway to the CM office on the level 1 of KOMTAR Building. The Press Sectary accepted the invite along with the roses. The crowd aloud “Hindraf Valga “ as well as “Makkal Shakti”.
The accepting the invite at the doorway had annoyed the participants as not much consideration was put forward toward these friendly and kind gestures. They request to meet up the CM in his office which meet with light resistances but later a small group of 5 person including Vwasishnavi were allowed to present the invite to CM directly.
CM of Penang was selected because he is the non-bumi CM in Malsysia. She urged the CM to talk to the PM to accept her roses on 16 Feb. Till present the PM or his representative has not responded to her request.
However the Main Coordinate of Hindraf mentioned that, there rally will proceed with or without the Police Permit which was applied on 11 Feb. 2008. They will also proceed even if the PM is not present at the Parliament House.
This is a very peaceful gathering to shown the government the that Indian community are united and wanted PM and his government to address the 18 Point memorandum as well release the H5 imprisoned under the ISA act.
The event ended at around 11:30.
12 Feb 2008 , At 10:30am, The 5 year Vwaishnavi Waythamoorthy arrived at the KOMTAR wearing Indian traditional dress while carrying a roses and she was accompanied by several other children. The purposes of her trip was to handover the Invite for Chief Ministry (CM) of Penang asking him to accompany her to the Parliament House on 16 Feb.
The groups meet up with the Press Secretary (PS) of the CM at the doorway to the CM office on the level 1 of KOMTAR Building. The Press Sectary accepted the invite along with the roses. The crowd aloud “Hindraf Valga “ as well as “Makkal Shakti”.
The accepting the invite at the doorway had annoyed the participants as not much consideration was put forward toward these friendly and kind gestures. They request to meet up the CM in his office which meet with light resistances but later a small group of 5 person including Vwasishnavi were allowed to present the invite to CM directly.
CM of Penang was selected because he is the non-bumi CM in Malsysia. She urged the CM to talk to the PM to accept her roses on 16 Feb. Till present the PM or his representative has not responded to her request.
However the Main Coordinate of Hindraf mentioned that, there rally will proceed with or without the Police Permit which was applied on 11 Feb. 2008. They will also proceed even if the PM is not present at the Parliament House.
This is a very peaceful gathering to shown the government the that Indian community are united and wanted PM and his government to address the 18 Point memorandum as well release the H5 imprisoned under the ISA act.
The event ended at around 11:30.
For Everybody’s Sake, let us go for Democratic Governance
Soon we will all be going to the polls (12th Elections since Independence). We will be discharging our duty as citizens of Malaysia. In exercising this fundamental right, we must act rationally on the basis of a careful evaluation of what the UMNO-BN coalition under the leadership of Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi has done for our country since we gave him a resounding mandate in 2004.
Badawi made big promises and raised our expectations. He also capitalised on negative sentiments against the long authoritarian rule of Tun Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad. Those sentiments were in part the result of actions taken by the former Prime Minister against Tun Salleh Abbas (1988), and his Deputy Prime Minister Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim (1998). Badawi’s spinners blacked out the achievements of Tun Dr. Mahathir in his handling of the East Asian Economic Crisis, the worst since the Great Depression of the 1930s and tried to create a “Mr Clean Image” for their man. The way they did this was to denigrate the achievements of the Tun, a very competent, hardworking, and gutsy leader. This is politics at the gutter level.
Badawi said that he would fight corruption, manage our national finances prudently by cutting off mega projects which were initiated by his predecessor, and take our country forward into an era of “cemerlang, gemilang dan terbilang”. What he meant to do was to create a first world mind-set on the back of Tun Mahathir’s first world infrastructure. He appealed to us to “work with me, not for me”. Four years have gone and we are in 2008 and on the basis of all economic and social indicators, we have become laggards, no longer respected as we once were under the leadership of Tun Dr. Mahathir. The Badawi administration in 2008 is a dismal failure.
For all his warts and all, Tun Dr. Mahathir— I admire and respect him a lot —ensured that we had jobs and opportunities by his pro-growth economic policies. During his 22 year rule, Malaysia’s real GDP growth averaged 8.5 per cent per annum. We had strong foreign direct investment inflows, a bouyant manufacturing sector, and our stock market (until 1998 when the East Asian economic contagion hits our shores) in terms of market capitalisation was the highest in the region. Inflation was low.
The Tun and his then colleague, Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance did not raise the petrol price and kept our finances sound. The crime rate too was under control. Inter-ethnic and religious tensions were very much contained. Our economy recovered quickly by the end of 1999 because our economic fundamentals were strong.
In just four years, Badawi created one big mess.I do not need to elaborate on his policy and leadership failures. Now he wants another term purportedly to finish his mission. In truth, he needs additional 5 years to consolidate his son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin’s political future, and the business and financial interests of his son, Kamaluddin Abdullah, and his cronies.
What mission is he talking about? Frankly, he has no mission. He is the very epitome of confusion, or muddled thinking, incompetence and indecision. He has lost control over his own party, UMNO, which is now fractious and increasingly rapacious, his Cabinet, and over the management of the political economy of our country.
Throughout my nearly 40 years of service for our country in my various capacities in the public and private sectors, I have been a strong supporter and, in fact, an apologist of the government from the days of Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, Tun Hussein Onn and Tun Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad. I had also high hopes for Abdullah Badawi. I was in Jitra, Kubang Pasu on March 13, 2004 with Tun Dr.Mahathir and Tun Dr. Siti Hasmah binti Mohamed Ali to support the nomination of Dato Johari Baharum (and what a disappointment this man is today) as the Barisan Nasional candidate for the Kubang Pasu Parliamentary constituency.
In four years I became a changed man. I am a political activist with Parti KeADILan Rakyat. I see Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim as my leader who will be bring a new dawn for Malaysia. Badawi is to me a big letdown, long on talk and promises, very short indeed on political will, courage and action.
Everything turned to be just Penang Boria and he is the very antithesis of what he had promised in his 2004 Election Manifesto. As far as I am concerned, Badawi has had his chance. It is now time for me to vote for an alternative government, which is about democratic governance—openness, transparency and accountability in public affairs.
Din Merican
Badawi made big promises and raised our expectations. He also capitalised on negative sentiments against the long authoritarian rule of Tun Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad. Those sentiments were in part the result of actions taken by the former Prime Minister against Tun Salleh Abbas (1988), and his Deputy Prime Minister Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim (1998). Badawi’s spinners blacked out the achievements of Tun Dr. Mahathir in his handling of the East Asian Economic Crisis, the worst since the Great Depression of the 1930s and tried to create a “Mr Clean Image” for their man. The way they did this was to denigrate the achievements of the Tun, a very competent, hardworking, and gutsy leader. This is politics at the gutter level.
Badawi said that he would fight corruption, manage our national finances prudently by cutting off mega projects which were initiated by his predecessor, and take our country forward into an era of “cemerlang, gemilang dan terbilang”. What he meant to do was to create a first world mind-set on the back of Tun Mahathir’s first world infrastructure. He appealed to us to “work with me, not for me”. Four years have gone and we are in 2008 and on the basis of all economic and social indicators, we have become laggards, no longer respected as we once were under the leadership of Tun Dr. Mahathir. The Badawi administration in 2008 is a dismal failure.
For all his warts and all, Tun Dr. Mahathir— I admire and respect him a lot —ensured that we had jobs and opportunities by his pro-growth economic policies. During his 22 year rule, Malaysia’s real GDP growth averaged 8.5 per cent per annum. We had strong foreign direct investment inflows, a bouyant manufacturing sector, and our stock market (until 1998 when the East Asian economic contagion hits our shores) in terms of market capitalisation was the highest in the region. Inflation was low.
The Tun and his then colleague, Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance did not raise the petrol price and kept our finances sound. The crime rate too was under control. Inter-ethnic and religious tensions were very much contained. Our economy recovered quickly by the end of 1999 because our economic fundamentals were strong.
In just four years, Badawi created one big mess.I do not need to elaborate on his policy and leadership failures. Now he wants another term purportedly to finish his mission. In truth, he needs additional 5 years to consolidate his son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin’s political future, and the business and financial interests of his son, Kamaluddin Abdullah, and his cronies.
What mission is he talking about? Frankly, he has no mission. He is the very epitome of confusion, or muddled thinking, incompetence and indecision. He has lost control over his own party, UMNO, which is now fractious and increasingly rapacious, his Cabinet, and over the management of the political economy of our country.
Throughout my nearly 40 years of service for our country in my various capacities in the public and private sectors, I have been a strong supporter and, in fact, an apologist of the government from the days of Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, Tun Hussein Onn and Tun Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad. I had also high hopes for Abdullah Badawi. I was in Jitra, Kubang Pasu on March 13, 2004 with Tun Dr.Mahathir and Tun Dr. Siti Hasmah binti Mohamed Ali to support the nomination of Dato Johari Baharum (and what a disappointment this man is today) as the Barisan Nasional candidate for the Kubang Pasu Parliamentary constituency.
In four years I became a changed man. I am a political activist with Parti KeADILan Rakyat. I see Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim as my leader who will be bring a new dawn for Malaysia. Badawi is to me a big letdown, long on talk and promises, very short indeed on political will, courage and action.
Everything turned to be just Penang Boria and he is the very antithesis of what he had promised in his 2004 Election Manifesto. As far as I am concerned, Badawi has had his chance. It is now time for me to vote for an alternative government, which is about democratic governance—openness, transparency and accountability in public affairs.
Din Merican
An appeal letter from Senior Citizen to Msian PM to support Rose Campaign
Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
Hon. Prime Minister of Malaysia
Putrajaya
Malaysia
09-02-2008
Dear Dato Seri,
Re: Appeal to allow Peaceful Roses Campaign.
People of Malaysia bring message of Peace and Justice on Valentine Day
We the undersigned are senior citizens of Malaysia and write this letter as a matter or urgency to you and hope this letter finds your desk in time.
We have been anxiously monitoring the current situation affecting the minority Indian population in Malaysia and are deeply concerned of the decision that you are likely to make within the next few days concerning the roses campaign that are to take place on the 16th February 2008.
We appeal to you to allow the younger generation led by a child Vwaishhnnavi d/o Waytha Moorthy to safely deliver the Red and Yellow Roses to you, which symbolises the peaceful struggle of HINDRAF seeking their 18-point demands, and for the release of her 5 uncles held in detention without trial, sanctioned by you. We are given to understand that Vwaishhnnavi would be accompanied by about 100 other children and their parents. She has also made a request for the Human Rights Commission, SUHAKAM’s chairman to accompany her to Parliament on the said day.
These are peaceful gesture shown by these courage children. A child is the personification of LOVE AND AFFECTION. And when LOVE AND AFFECTION knocks on the “heart and soul of mother Malaysia” (Parliament) you being the key holder of this Great Parliament must embrace those children with an open heart for they are your youngest children.
Mr.Prime Minister, we appeal to you to accept those Roses from those children and adults as a father to this wonderful nation.
We have not come across any leaders in the world being presented with thousands of Roses in any other parts of the world. So let us make this event a successful and meaningful one in the spirit of valentine celebration.
We pray that the almighty bless you with good health and wisdom to lead the Government of this country.
Yours Most sincerely,
Mr. Krishnan
on behalf of 100 Senior Citizen of Malaysian Indians
Hon. Prime Minister of Malaysia
Putrajaya
Malaysia
09-02-2008
Dear Dato Seri,
Re: Appeal to allow Peaceful Roses Campaign.
People of Malaysia bring message of Peace and Justice on Valentine Day
We the undersigned are senior citizens of Malaysia and write this letter as a matter or urgency to you and hope this letter finds your desk in time.
We have been anxiously monitoring the current situation affecting the minority Indian population in Malaysia and are deeply concerned of the decision that you are likely to make within the next few days concerning the roses campaign that are to take place on the 16th February 2008.
We appeal to you to allow the younger generation led by a child Vwaishhnnavi d/o Waytha Moorthy to safely deliver the Red and Yellow Roses to you, which symbolises the peaceful struggle of HINDRAF seeking their 18-point demands, and for the release of her 5 uncles held in detention without trial, sanctioned by you. We are given to understand that Vwaishhnnavi would be accompanied by about 100 other children and their parents. She has also made a request for the Human Rights Commission, SUHAKAM’s chairman to accompany her to Parliament on the said day.
These are peaceful gesture shown by these courage children. A child is the personification of LOVE AND AFFECTION. And when LOVE AND AFFECTION knocks on the “heart and soul of mother Malaysia” (Parliament) you being the key holder of this Great Parliament must embrace those children with an open heart for they are your youngest children.
Mr.Prime Minister, we appeal to you to accept those Roses from those children and adults as a father to this wonderful nation.
We have not come across any leaders in the world being presented with thousands of Roses in any other parts of the world. So let us make this event a successful and meaningful one in the spirit of valentine celebration.
We pray that the almighty bless you with good health and wisdom to lead the Government of this country.
Yours Most sincerely,
Mr. Krishnan
on behalf of 100 Senior Citizen of Malaysian Indians
Concern Malaysia Indian Senior Citizens request PM to consider Vwaishnawi's Rose Campaign Invitation


A group more than 30 people from concerned Malaysian Indian Senior Citizens had gathered in PM's office before noon today, 11th Feb 2008 submitted a letter signed by more than 100 Senior Citizens requesting the PM to come and support the Rose Campaignn Invitation by little girl Vwaishnavi Waythamoorthy.
Yet another appeal has been sent to the premier to keep a Valentine’s date with children on Saturday....but will the response be yet more silence? Supporters of the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) hope not.
A 25-strong group was at the Prime Minister’s Department in Putrajaya today to submit a letter to remind Abdullah Ahmad Badawi about a planned gathering of 200 children and their parents on Saturday.
The movement has arranged for the group to meet at Parliament House - the idea is for the children to hand over red and yellow roses to Abdullah, if he shows up.
This morning, a five-member delegation handed over a letter to Special Officer Rovin Ponninaih and held a 20-minute discussion with him, to explain their intentions.
"We just want the prime minister to receive roses from the children. We want to have a dialogue with him to discuss issues affecting the Indian (Malaysian) community," Hindraf national co-ordinator RS Thanentiran (right, in photo) said after the meeting.
"He is our leader. He should meet us to listen to what we have to say, as he is serving us (citizens). The dialogue should be directly between us and him, (with) no middlemen (involved)."
Teacher K Krishnan, 58, said with a smile: "This is a peaceful gesture shown by courageous children and we do hope that (Abdullah) will attend.
"I am a strong supporter of the government. I still have hope that this government will help elevate the status of the Indian community."
Abdullah has yet to reply to a handwritten invitation from five-year-old Vwaishhnnavi, the only daughter of Hindraf chairperson P Waythamoorthy, who had submitted it at the PM’s Department on Jan 22. He is in self-imposed exile in London to build support for Hindraf’s cause.
On Feb 6, Vwaishhnnavi submitted another letter at the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia, asking its chairperson Abu Talib Othman to attend the event as ‘insurance’ to protect the group from possible police action and to uphold their human rights.
Application submitted
Hindraf is also seeking the release of of its leaders and legal advisers who have been detained under the Internal Security Act since Dec 13 last year. Among them are Waythamoorthy’s brother, Uthayakumar.
In relation to this, the children will carry red roses as a symbol of the "love and peace with which Hindraf brings its message" and yellow roses to signify the movement’s demand for justice for those detained.
‘Rose campaign’ co-ordinator S Manickavasagam said an application for a permit was submitted to Sentul police on Jan 31, but that there has been no response as yet.
Hindraf had earlier said it will proceed with the event even if no permit is issued, as the gathering will be a peaceful one.
On Nov 25 last year, it had attempted to organise a mass gathering of supporters for a march to the British High Commission in Kuala Lumpur, to hand over a memorandum addressed to Queen Elizabeth.
However, police moved in and dispersed the crowd with tear gas and chemical-laced water. This was followed with the arrests of protesters, dozens of whom have been charged with illegal assembly.
Since the protest, the government has appeared more amenable to act on long-standing complaints about the socio-economic disparities, as well as complaints of discrimination and marginalisation of the community since colonial days.
In doing so, however, Abdullah has only met with political and civil society groups representing various segments of the community.
Hindraf itself has been ‘ignored’, according to its leaders, who want to submit an 18-point memorandum to him.
What the Indians want
CAFE LATTE CHAT, The Star
Sunday February 10, 2008
THE Malaysian Indian community is at a defining moment. Comprising just 1.8 million or roughly 8% of the country’s 26 million population, it has never been so politically divided. Although the MIC – the third largest component party of the Barisan Nasional – represents the community in the Government, the political allegiance of Indians is split.
The Gerakan, PPP, Indian Progressive Front, DAP, Parti Keadilan Rakyat and Democratic Indian United Party have their share of Indian members and supporters.
The recent street protest led by the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf), sparked by perceptions that Indians have been marginalised, has led to the community becoming a focus of the national political debate, with the MIC and its leadership coming under intense scrutiny.
Getting to the heart of the matter: (From left) DAP central executive committee member Dr P. Ramasamy, Devakunjari Tun Sambanthan, lawyer and daughter of the late MIC president and Labour Minister Tun Sambanthan, The Stargroup chief editor Datuk Wong Chun Wai, businessman cum philanthropist Datuk Dr V. Shanmuganathan and Yayasan Strategik Sosial executive director Datuk Dr Denison Jayasooria in discussion during the recent Cafe Latte Chat.
The debate revolves around the community’s lack of a meaningful stake in the economy, opportunities to progress in education, employment and business and its disproportionate representation in crime statistics.
Are the grievances affecting the Indians real? What are the solutions? What needs to be done to move the community forward? Have the more successful members of the community played their part? Cafe Latte discusses the topics.
The Indian community and politics
Wong: In the coming general election, various political parties will represent the Indian community. The community is small yet it is fragmented into so many different groups. What is your take on this, Dr Denison?
Dr Denison: If you take the political parties – MIC, PPP, IPF, Gerakan – it might seem fragmented, but they are all invariably pro-Barisan Nasional and cohesively part of its framework. But if you look at opposition parties such as DAP, Parti Keadilan Rakyat and Parti Sosialis Malaysia, there is also quite a number of them there. But the central issue is the composition of the constituencies. No Indian can win just on the Indian ticket. The community needs the support of other communities. An example is the case of the Sreenivasagam brothers who won in the 1959 elections for the Socialist Front. Back then, we had more Indians in the Opposition than in the MIC. Having said that, the fragmented parties that we see (now) will have a major impact on the general election. For example, the Merdeka Poll survey conducted recently found that since September, there has been a 44% drop in positive views towards the government. There were also other indicators showing the people’s unhappiness towards the government and its policies. The question here, however, is whether such findings will impact the outcome of MIC candidates who hold nine parliamentary seats and 19 state seats. The MIC is sure that it will retain the nine parliamentary seats.
Dr Ramasamy: Going back to the 1990 elections, I think that a slight majority of the Indian community voted for the Opposition. But in the subsequent election, it was back to status quo. I think the difference this time around is the mobilisation created by Hindraf. Based on the turnout of the event that day, it would be safe to say the Indians know they can be king-makers in particular constituencies. There are also indications that the popularity of the ruling government has gone down. But then again we must ask whether the Indians will remain faithful to Barisan Nasional.
Wong: There’s talk that because of the Hindraf issue, many controversies have arisen. As a result, is there a fear in the community that its representation in Government may decline because of the anti-establishment sentiments?
Devakunjari: We have to go back into history where the initial premise of Malaya was power-sharing among the races. This was needed back then to show the British that we could, and deserved, our independence. But here we find a situation where the government relies on MIC to produce feedback and solutions to the community. And there are perceptions that MIC is not being given enough airplay within the government, and that it has not really done its job. Neither perception assists BN in securing the Indian votes. The reason why Hindraf received such popular response was because the Indians, at least at the grassroots level, believed that no one else speaks for them and highlights their grievances.
Dr Denison: Indian votes make a difference in 62 constituencies, and we will be king-makers if there is a split in the Chinese and Malay community. You might be the most hardened Indian candidate but you cannot win the seat because you do not have 100% Indian voters in the constituency. But the shift, I would say, based on the survey is that the people are unhappy. But whether this will translate into votes is a different matter altogether. This is because Hindraf is not aligning itself to any political party.
Wong: What about the perception that MIC has not done enough for the community, as stated by Devakunjari?
Devakunjari: Only now are there so many groups talking about the Indian problem. Suddenly, there is interest in the community. I’ve sat in various forums and the pertinent question that always arises is 'What is the available aid being given by the government now?' In one particular forum the Domestic Trade and Consumer Affairs Ministry informed us that there is a 3% allocation on every initial public offering for the Indian community. Sadly, it didn’t filter down because there is no methodology. So the question that some people are asking is why certain things such as this, which is available within the system, are not given a delivery route to the poor Indians.
Dr Denison: I think, in terms of perception, the documentation of Indian problems, even from the start, focused on plantation difficulties and related issues. Things like salary, housing and working conditions centred on this premise. The more recent ones have been analysis on the urban trends and shifts. If one were to look at documents presented by Mapen 1 (the first National Economic Consultative Council), the analysis of problems and issues are there. If you take OPP 3 (Third Outline Perspective Plan) for example, it begins to recognise, for the first time, the Indian issues on public policy agenda.
Wong: But you have said before that the system is such that there’s nothing you can change because the community is small.
Dr Ramasamy: You must agree that the Hindraf gathering shook the ground, no? They made a huge impact by coming out together.
Dr Denison: I think we still have to go back to the core of the problem, whereby under the Federal Constitution, it is stated that the special privileges of the Malay community is balanced with the legitimate rights of other communities such as freedom of religion, positions in the civil service, right to education and so forth. Now, if we take it into more recent policy discussions such as the New Economic Policy (NEP), we see more of a re-structuring of society by addressing issues such as poverty. But when we come down to OPP 3, I think there are enough resources and agencies to cater to Malay needs. This is highlighted by Mapen 2 in documents on crime, housing, urban poverty and education issues.
Wong: These documents are all fine, but the bottom line is the perception that not enough is being done by the MIC. They are being compared to Umno and MCA where they can see proper structures for development and education, such as universities and skills development institutions.
Dr Denison: MIC has done its best within the power-sharing basis and it has extensively contributed in terms of education and skills development. We have sent many students abroad on scholarships and even prepared the necessary avenues for those interested in skills training. Micro-credit financing for small businesses have also been made available. However, the problem is that the outreach is inadequate. We have not had the necessary interventions from the states, which is pivotal to addressing these problems. There needs to be an increased participation through the relevant agencies too.
A national problem
Wong: Plantations used to be the forte of the Indians, but foreigners have replaced them. Due to this, they have migrated to the towns and because of the lack of skills they have resorted to small businesses such as car washing and scrap metal.
Dr Ramasamy: The problems faced by the community are not an Indian problem but a national one. We are all Malaysians. This is why when there is the mindset that it is an Indian problem, it will be germinated into the political pillars that MIC can and is responsible to handle the problem.
Dr Denison: But this is where the OPP 3, 8th Malaysia Plan (RMK8) and RMK9 development plans recognised the low-participation of the Indians in the economy and looked at skills training for the youth. I would say that such policies have been properly outlined and written.
Devakunjari: I agree that the Indian problem is a Malaysian problem. The source of many of the problems we see now arose from the fact that when the estates were developed in the late 70s there were no proper programmes to resettle, rehabilitate or assist this community. So they lost this 'community' when they relocated them and there were no opportunities in terms of education or profession. Even today, 75% of Tamil schools are not affiliated with the government. However, we must agree that when problems arise out of government policies, should not the government take ownership of the solutions and not just delegate the whole exercise to MIC?
Dr Denison: When we look at the national economic council and the development plans, it needs aggressive state intervention because no one individual or political party can do it. We are doing the best we can.
Dr Ramasamy: If we go back to Hindraf and take a survey of the people who came, we will find that it was not just the poor plantation people but rather professionals such as lawyers and businessmen who felt they were short-changed. The question here is, can we brush away all these things?
Self-help
Wong: There’s this perception that there is no self-help in the community despite the emergence of many successful Indians and many in the upper-middle class. There is no reaching out to the grassroots.
Dr Shanmuganathan: We must realise that there is no solid middle-class for the Indians. It is hollow. For example, if one were to go to Masjid India and check their financial statements, it is very weak. But people perceive that just because it is a big shop they must be making a lot of money. They are hollow businessmen because they are not fundamentally strong financially. In addition, as of 2004, Indians were said to have 1.5% equity in the economy. I would not be surprised that as of this moment, the figure stands at just 0.9%. And from this, if you take away the slice belonging to the top five Indian tycoons like Ananda Krishnan and Air Asia's Tony Fernandez and others, there is just 0.2% for the rest.
Education
Wong: We’ve mentioned the state of Tamil schools. Is it true that they are losing their appeal?
Dr Ramasamy: I disagree with you. Tamil schools have actually out-performed national schools in the last five years. The problem with Tamil schools, however, is that they need more facilities and infrastructure. This is caused by the current system of education because there is less focus on them. Despite this, we find that in the last 10 years more and more parents from the middle-class are sending their children to Tamil schools.
Dr Shanmuganathan: That’s true. This year the intake for Tamil schools increased by 30%.
Dr Denison: Although the number of Tamil schools has dropped, the number of students has gone up. The discrepancy is where the schools are located and where the people are living. Almost 70% of the schools are in estates, but the majority of students are in urban areas. There is a major difference between the Indian and the Chinese community. The Chinese buy the land, build the school and then get the licence transferred whereas the Indians ask the Government to provide the land in the urban areas. Therefore, schools in the rural areas have less density.
Devakunjari: In the last five years, Indian parents have found that their children were not being given enough attention at the national schools. The balance has tipped and Tamil schools have become more alert to the needs of the children. This is why more people from the middle-class prefer to send their children to Tamil schools. They want them to have this attention and a sense of cultural identity.
Dr Denison: The government has also said it would allow Tamil to be taught in SJK schools. I think these policies would take quite a while to sink in. But while there is a major increase of students in Tamil schools, the resources required by the schools are definitely more. There are about 7,000 teachers employed now. So, if infrastructure is improved, I’m sure that the disgruntled feeling among Indians would be alleviated.
Wong: I can’t help but notice that we have kept on referring to asking the Government for help. I know this is a Malaysian problem but surely there must be some kind of self-help.
Dr Shanmuganathan: There are. Several of my close friends and I, for example, have adopted many schools. We are paying tuition fees for the students. After school, we conduct training for them to get better results. We are also paying the teachers and even giving them two months' bonus but we cannot afford to do the same for all Tamil schools.
Dr Denison: When we talk about rebuilding Tamil schools – the bantuan modal schools – they are largely being rebuilt through community funds because the state does not provide that. Even in the RMK8 allocation of RM86mil, it was for the bantuan penuh schools. So, currently, they have allocated about RM60mil for bantuan modal schools, and the requirement is quite huge. MIC for example has allocated student loans for up to 7,000 students at RM85mil.
MIC and its leadership
Wong: I think it is on the minds of many Malaysians that the MIC has a leadership problem.
Dr Denison: In terms of determining the MIC president, the decision is in the hands of the MIC delegates. Regarding the candidates for the general election, we have been informed that a sizeable change would be made. This is a step forward to newer faces.
Devakunjari: Regardless of the MIC and its leadership, as mentioned earlier, the problems faced by the community is still a Malaysian problem. Let us look at the example of single Indian mothers and the problems they face. The poverty line index sets at least RM661 per month as the minimum to sustain one’s self. Most of the single mothers earn RM550 or less. They have two to three children and have no housing programmes. How are they going to live? We are not even talking about food. And as far as self-help goes, it would not make much of a difference if the government does not step in.
Solutions
Wong: We know the cause and the grievances but what can be done?
Dr Shanmuganathan: Requests and proposals have been made to the Prime Minister seeking his approval to set up a special team under the Prime Minister’s Department or the Economic Planning unit to come up with a guideline to develop Indian businesses. The Malays, for example, have the Perbadanan Nasional Berhad to assist them. All we are asking for is 10% allocation of the same aid. From that allocation, the community can automatically develop for the next 10 years.
Wong: I’ve heard talk about affirmative action for the Indians. Do you think this is practical?
Devakunjari: It depends on what you mean by affirmative action. My concern is that the existing policies are not being filtered into something tangible that can be delivered. There is a Minimum Standards Act, for example, to regulate the welfare of the plantation workers and yet it is not being enforced.
Dr Ramasamy: It is very simple. Indians want the opportunities and equal rights.
Wong: But isn’t there an Indian quota prepared for university entries?
Devakunjari: It does not seem that way.
Dr Denison: University admission issues aside, we have to look at the fundamentals of education first. We have to look at the grassroots – the pre-school and primary school. And as we move along, we have to consider business windows and other opportunities for the community. What I’m saying is that what has been promised by the government in OPP 3, RMK8 and RMK9 must be delivered. And one of the suggestions that Mapen 2 requested was for an independent monitoring mechanism.
Wong: Who would run this mechanism?
Dr Denison: Representatives from civil societies. We need such mechanisms to make sure the process is one of transparency.
Wong: What type of programmes would you all like to see to address all these grouses?
Devakunjari: We would like to see excellent education opportunities from pre-school right up to higher education and more skills training.
Dr Shanmuganathan: Going back to single mothers, in my office I have set up a training centre for them. We teach them marketing, business, hands-on work and so forth. After training, we find jobs for them and then we monitor them for at least a year. At the time they come to us, they earn on average about RM550 but we have assured them that if they follow our advice, they can make up to RM5,000 per month. So far we’ve helped about 225 single mothers.
Dr Ramasamy: Fundamentally, if the Government is serious about it and makes it a national commitment to resolve the issue, Indians will feel that they have a place in society.
The Panellists
Datuk Dr Denison Jayasooria is executive director of the Yayasan Strategik Sosial, an MIC body set up for the social development of the community. He holds a PhD in Sociology from Oxford Brookes University. He also participated in a leadership development course at the JFK School of Government at Harvard University. A member of the Malaysian Human Rights Commission (Suhakam) for two years, he plays key roles in a variety of policy forums and community organisations related to poverty and education.
Dr P. Ramasamy is a visiting Senior Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore. He was also a visiting professor at the University of Kessel in Germany after retiring as a political science professor at Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. He has written extensively on Malaysian Indian issues. He is a member of DAP central executive committee and its international secretary.
Datuk Dr V. Shanmuganathan head of the accountancy firm Shan & Co, is also a businessman and a philanthropist. His wide community service interests include the development of entrepreneurs, including single mothers and young entrepreneurs. Raised in a poor family, he obtained his accountancy degree from Universiti Utara Malaysia, a Masters from Universiti Putra Malaysia and a PhD from Bircham International University. This chartered accountant is now pursuing a degree in Jurisprudence in Universiti Malaya.
Devakunjari Tun Sambanthan daughter of the late Tun Sambanthan who was MIC president, signatory to the Declaration of Independence of Malaya and the first Labour Minister, has a law degree from the University of Buckingham in England. She was called to the English and Malaysian Bars. A partner in a law firm, she has long been active in social work focussing mainly on destitute single mothers and the education of their children.
Datuk Wong Chun Wai is The Star group chief editor. He graduated from Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia in political science and has worked in the newspaper for 23 years. He attended leadership and management courses at American business schools including the Peter Drucker Business School in Claremont University and the University of Southern California under Bank Negara’s International Centre for Leadership in Finances.
Source: Indianmalaysian
Sunday February 10, 2008
THE Malaysian Indian community is at a defining moment. Comprising just 1.8 million or roughly 8% of the country’s 26 million population, it has never been so politically divided. Although the MIC – the third largest component party of the Barisan Nasional – represents the community in the Government, the political allegiance of Indians is split.
The Gerakan, PPP, Indian Progressive Front, DAP, Parti Keadilan Rakyat and Democratic Indian United Party have their share of Indian members and supporters.
The recent street protest led by the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf), sparked by perceptions that Indians have been marginalised, has led to the community becoming a focus of the national political debate, with the MIC and its leadership coming under intense scrutiny.
Getting to the heart of the matter: (From left) DAP central executive committee member Dr P. Ramasamy, Devakunjari Tun Sambanthan, lawyer and daughter of the late MIC president and Labour Minister Tun Sambanthan, The Stargroup chief editor Datuk Wong Chun Wai, businessman cum philanthropist Datuk Dr V. Shanmuganathan and Yayasan Strategik Sosial executive director Datuk Dr Denison Jayasooria in discussion during the recent Cafe Latte Chat.
The debate revolves around the community’s lack of a meaningful stake in the economy, opportunities to progress in education, employment and business and its disproportionate representation in crime statistics.
Are the grievances affecting the Indians real? What are the solutions? What needs to be done to move the community forward? Have the more successful members of the community played their part? Cafe Latte discusses the topics.
The Indian community and politics
Wong: In the coming general election, various political parties will represent the Indian community. The community is small yet it is fragmented into so many different groups. What is your take on this, Dr Denison?
Dr Denison: If you take the political parties – MIC, PPP, IPF, Gerakan – it might seem fragmented, but they are all invariably pro-Barisan Nasional and cohesively part of its framework. But if you look at opposition parties such as DAP, Parti Keadilan Rakyat and Parti Sosialis Malaysia, there is also quite a number of them there. But the central issue is the composition of the constituencies. No Indian can win just on the Indian ticket. The community needs the support of other communities. An example is the case of the Sreenivasagam brothers who won in the 1959 elections for the Socialist Front. Back then, we had more Indians in the Opposition than in the MIC. Having said that, the fragmented parties that we see (now) will have a major impact on the general election. For example, the Merdeka Poll survey conducted recently found that since September, there has been a 44% drop in positive views towards the government. There were also other indicators showing the people’s unhappiness towards the government and its policies. The question here, however, is whether such findings will impact the outcome of MIC candidates who hold nine parliamentary seats and 19 state seats. The MIC is sure that it will retain the nine parliamentary seats.
Dr Ramasamy: Going back to the 1990 elections, I think that a slight majority of the Indian community voted for the Opposition. But in the subsequent election, it was back to status quo. I think the difference this time around is the mobilisation created by Hindraf. Based on the turnout of the event that day, it would be safe to say the Indians know they can be king-makers in particular constituencies. There are also indications that the popularity of the ruling government has gone down. But then again we must ask whether the Indians will remain faithful to Barisan Nasional.
Wong: There’s talk that because of the Hindraf issue, many controversies have arisen. As a result, is there a fear in the community that its representation in Government may decline because of the anti-establishment sentiments?
Devakunjari: We have to go back into history where the initial premise of Malaya was power-sharing among the races. This was needed back then to show the British that we could, and deserved, our independence. But here we find a situation where the government relies on MIC to produce feedback and solutions to the community. And there are perceptions that MIC is not being given enough airplay within the government, and that it has not really done its job. Neither perception assists BN in securing the Indian votes. The reason why Hindraf received such popular response was because the Indians, at least at the grassroots level, believed that no one else speaks for them and highlights their grievances.
Dr Denison: Indian votes make a difference in 62 constituencies, and we will be king-makers if there is a split in the Chinese and Malay community. You might be the most hardened Indian candidate but you cannot win the seat because you do not have 100% Indian voters in the constituency. But the shift, I would say, based on the survey is that the people are unhappy. But whether this will translate into votes is a different matter altogether. This is because Hindraf is not aligning itself to any political party.
Wong: What about the perception that MIC has not done enough for the community, as stated by Devakunjari?
Devakunjari: Only now are there so many groups talking about the Indian problem. Suddenly, there is interest in the community. I’ve sat in various forums and the pertinent question that always arises is 'What is the available aid being given by the government now?' In one particular forum the Domestic Trade and Consumer Affairs Ministry informed us that there is a 3% allocation on every initial public offering for the Indian community. Sadly, it didn’t filter down because there is no methodology. So the question that some people are asking is why certain things such as this, which is available within the system, are not given a delivery route to the poor Indians.
Dr Denison: I think, in terms of perception, the documentation of Indian problems, even from the start, focused on plantation difficulties and related issues. Things like salary, housing and working conditions centred on this premise. The more recent ones have been analysis on the urban trends and shifts. If one were to look at documents presented by Mapen 1 (the first National Economic Consultative Council), the analysis of problems and issues are there. If you take OPP 3 (Third Outline Perspective Plan) for example, it begins to recognise, for the first time, the Indian issues on public policy agenda.
Wong: But you have said before that the system is such that there’s nothing you can change because the community is small.
Dr Ramasamy: You must agree that the Hindraf gathering shook the ground, no? They made a huge impact by coming out together.
Dr Denison: I think we still have to go back to the core of the problem, whereby under the Federal Constitution, it is stated that the special privileges of the Malay community is balanced with the legitimate rights of other communities such as freedom of religion, positions in the civil service, right to education and so forth. Now, if we take it into more recent policy discussions such as the New Economic Policy (NEP), we see more of a re-structuring of society by addressing issues such as poverty. But when we come down to OPP 3, I think there are enough resources and agencies to cater to Malay needs. This is highlighted by Mapen 2 in documents on crime, housing, urban poverty and education issues.
Wong: These documents are all fine, but the bottom line is the perception that not enough is being done by the MIC. They are being compared to Umno and MCA where they can see proper structures for development and education, such as universities and skills development institutions.
Dr Denison: MIC has done its best within the power-sharing basis and it has extensively contributed in terms of education and skills development. We have sent many students abroad on scholarships and even prepared the necessary avenues for those interested in skills training. Micro-credit financing for small businesses have also been made available. However, the problem is that the outreach is inadequate. We have not had the necessary interventions from the states, which is pivotal to addressing these problems. There needs to be an increased participation through the relevant agencies too.
A national problem
Wong: Plantations used to be the forte of the Indians, but foreigners have replaced them. Due to this, they have migrated to the towns and because of the lack of skills they have resorted to small businesses such as car washing and scrap metal.
Dr Ramasamy: The problems faced by the community are not an Indian problem but a national one. We are all Malaysians. This is why when there is the mindset that it is an Indian problem, it will be germinated into the political pillars that MIC can and is responsible to handle the problem.
Dr Denison: But this is where the OPP 3, 8th Malaysia Plan (RMK8) and RMK9 development plans recognised the low-participation of the Indians in the economy and looked at skills training for the youth. I would say that such policies have been properly outlined and written.
Devakunjari: I agree that the Indian problem is a Malaysian problem. The source of many of the problems we see now arose from the fact that when the estates were developed in the late 70s there were no proper programmes to resettle, rehabilitate or assist this community. So they lost this 'community' when they relocated them and there were no opportunities in terms of education or profession. Even today, 75% of Tamil schools are not affiliated with the government. However, we must agree that when problems arise out of government policies, should not the government take ownership of the solutions and not just delegate the whole exercise to MIC?
Dr Denison: When we look at the national economic council and the development plans, it needs aggressive state intervention because no one individual or political party can do it. We are doing the best we can.
Dr Ramasamy: If we go back to Hindraf and take a survey of the people who came, we will find that it was not just the poor plantation people but rather professionals such as lawyers and businessmen who felt they were short-changed. The question here is, can we brush away all these things?
Self-help
Wong: There’s this perception that there is no self-help in the community despite the emergence of many successful Indians and many in the upper-middle class. There is no reaching out to the grassroots.
Dr Shanmuganathan: We must realise that there is no solid middle-class for the Indians. It is hollow. For example, if one were to go to Masjid India and check their financial statements, it is very weak. But people perceive that just because it is a big shop they must be making a lot of money. They are hollow businessmen because they are not fundamentally strong financially. In addition, as of 2004, Indians were said to have 1.5% equity in the economy. I would not be surprised that as of this moment, the figure stands at just 0.9%. And from this, if you take away the slice belonging to the top five Indian tycoons like Ananda Krishnan and Air Asia's Tony Fernandez and others, there is just 0.2% for the rest.
Education
Wong: We’ve mentioned the state of Tamil schools. Is it true that they are losing their appeal?
Dr Ramasamy: I disagree with you. Tamil schools have actually out-performed national schools in the last five years. The problem with Tamil schools, however, is that they need more facilities and infrastructure. This is caused by the current system of education because there is less focus on them. Despite this, we find that in the last 10 years more and more parents from the middle-class are sending their children to Tamil schools.
Dr Shanmuganathan: That’s true. This year the intake for Tamil schools increased by 30%.
Dr Denison: Although the number of Tamil schools has dropped, the number of students has gone up. The discrepancy is where the schools are located and where the people are living. Almost 70% of the schools are in estates, but the majority of students are in urban areas. There is a major difference between the Indian and the Chinese community. The Chinese buy the land, build the school and then get the licence transferred whereas the Indians ask the Government to provide the land in the urban areas. Therefore, schools in the rural areas have less density.
Devakunjari: In the last five years, Indian parents have found that their children were not being given enough attention at the national schools. The balance has tipped and Tamil schools have become more alert to the needs of the children. This is why more people from the middle-class prefer to send their children to Tamil schools. They want them to have this attention and a sense of cultural identity.
Dr Denison: The government has also said it would allow Tamil to be taught in SJK schools. I think these policies would take quite a while to sink in. But while there is a major increase of students in Tamil schools, the resources required by the schools are definitely more. There are about 7,000 teachers employed now. So, if infrastructure is improved, I’m sure that the disgruntled feeling among Indians would be alleviated.
Wong: I can’t help but notice that we have kept on referring to asking the Government for help. I know this is a Malaysian problem but surely there must be some kind of self-help.
Dr Shanmuganathan: There are. Several of my close friends and I, for example, have adopted many schools. We are paying tuition fees for the students. After school, we conduct training for them to get better results. We are also paying the teachers and even giving them two months' bonus but we cannot afford to do the same for all Tamil schools.
Dr Denison: When we talk about rebuilding Tamil schools – the bantuan modal schools – they are largely being rebuilt through community funds because the state does not provide that. Even in the RMK8 allocation of RM86mil, it was for the bantuan penuh schools. So, currently, they have allocated about RM60mil for bantuan modal schools, and the requirement is quite huge. MIC for example has allocated student loans for up to 7,000 students at RM85mil.
MIC and its leadership
Wong: I think it is on the minds of many Malaysians that the MIC has a leadership problem.
Dr Denison: In terms of determining the MIC president, the decision is in the hands of the MIC delegates. Regarding the candidates for the general election, we have been informed that a sizeable change would be made. This is a step forward to newer faces.
Devakunjari: Regardless of the MIC and its leadership, as mentioned earlier, the problems faced by the community is still a Malaysian problem. Let us look at the example of single Indian mothers and the problems they face. The poverty line index sets at least RM661 per month as the minimum to sustain one’s self. Most of the single mothers earn RM550 or less. They have two to three children and have no housing programmes. How are they going to live? We are not even talking about food. And as far as self-help goes, it would not make much of a difference if the government does not step in.
Solutions
Wong: We know the cause and the grievances but what can be done?
Dr Shanmuganathan: Requests and proposals have been made to the Prime Minister seeking his approval to set up a special team under the Prime Minister’s Department or the Economic Planning unit to come up with a guideline to develop Indian businesses. The Malays, for example, have the Perbadanan Nasional Berhad to assist them. All we are asking for is 10% allocation of the same aid. From that allocation, the community can automatically develop for the next 10 years.
Wong: I’ve heard talk about affirmative action for the Indians. Do you think this is practical?
Devakunjari: It depends on what you mean by affirmative action. My concern is that the existing policies are not being filtered into something tangible that can be delivered. There is a Minimum Standards Act, for example, to regulate the welfare of the plantation workers and yet it is not being enforced.
Dr Ramasamy: It is very simple. Indians want the opportunities and equal rights.
Wong: But isn’t there an Indian quota prepared for university entries?
Devakunjari: It does not seem that way.
Dr Denison: University admission issues aside, we have to look at the fundamentals of education first. We have to look at the grassroots – the pre-school and primary school. And as we move along, we have to consider business windows and other opportunities for the community. What I’m saying is that what has been promised by the government in OPP 3, RMK8 and RMK9 must be delivered. And one of the suggestions that Mapen 2 requested was for an independent monitoring mechanism.
Wong: Who would run this mechanism?
Dr Denison: Representatives from civil societies. We need such mechanisms to make sure the process is one of transparency.
Wong: What type of programmes would you all like to see to address all these grouses?
Devakunjari: We would like to see excellent education opportunities from pre-school right up to higher education and more skills training.
Dr Shanmuganathan: Going back to single mothers, in my office I have set up a training centre for them. We teach them marketing, business, hands-on work and so forth. After training, we find jobs for them and then we monitor them for at least a year. At the time they come to us, they earn on average about RM550 but we have assured them that if they follow our advice, they can make up to RM5,000 per month. So far we’ve helped about 225 single mothers.
Dr Ramasamy: Fundamentally, if the Government is serious about it and makes it a national commitment to resolve the issue, Indians will feel that they have a place in society.
The Panellists
Datuk Dr Denison Jayasooria is executive director of the Yayasan Strategik Sosial, an MIC body set up for the social development of the community. He holds a PhD in Sociology from Oxford Brookes University. He also participated in a leadership development course at the JFK School of Government at Harvard University. A member of the Malaysian Human Rights Commission (Suhakam) for two years, he plays key roles in a variety of policy forums and community organisations related to poverty and education.
Dr P. Ramasamy is a visiting Senior Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore. He was also a visiting professor at the University of Kessel in Germany after retiring as a political science professor at Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. He has written extensively on Malaysian Indian issues. He is a member of DAP central executive committee and its international secretary.
Datuk Dr V. Shanmuganathan head of the accountancy firm Shan & Co, is also a businessman and a philanthropist. His wide community service interests include the development of entrepreneurs, including single mothers and young entrepreneurs. Raised in a poor family, he obtained his accountancy degree from Universiti Utara Malaysia, a Masters from Universiti Putra Malaysia and a PhD from Bircham International University. This chartered accountant is now pursuing a degree in Jurisprudence in Universiti Malaya.
Devakunjari Tun Sambanthan daughter of the late Tun Sambanthan who was MIC president, signatory to the Declaration of Independence of Malaya and the first Labour Minister, has a law degree from the University of Buckingham in England. She was called to the English and Malaysian Bars. A partner in a law firm, she has long been active in social work focussing mainly on destitute single mothers and the education of their children.
Datuk Wong Chun Wai is The Star group chief editor. He graduated from Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia in political science and has worked in the newspaper for 23 years. He attended leadership and management courses at American business schools including the Peter Drucker Business School in Claremont University and the University of Southern California under Bank Negara’s International Centre for Leadership in Finances.
Source: Indianmalaysian
Anwar Ibrahim, Prime Minister of Malaysia
Anwar Ibrahim, still seeking to be Prime Minister, is challenging Malaysia’s entire political structure to win the prize
Out of prison and looking to resume his political life, Anwar Ibrahim, the once and -- he hopes -- future heir apparent to Malaysia’s premiership, is gambling on returning to power by doing what has never been done before: confronting the country’s race-based politics and trying to break the 60-year reign of the ruling United Malays National Organization.
In the Malaysian racial balancing act, ethnic Malays have enjoyed targeted economic preferences for almost 40 years, ostensibly to ease once-tense relations with the prosperous Chinese minority. The government has refused to budge on the system but Anwar says preferences have failed and are contributing to rising tension.
“Certainly there is a growing tension which we have not seen since the late 60’s but the UMNO-led government is in a constant state of denial,” Anwar said in an interview with Asia Sentinel.
With that as a starting point, Anwar says he intends to seek the office that eluded him 10 years ago when he tangled with his one-time mentor, former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. He was ousted as deputy prime minister and jailed for six years on charges of corruption and sexual perversion that are almost universally regarded as trumped up. Since his release in 2004 following Mahathir’s retirement, Anwar has largely been outside Malaysia, lecturing at universities in the United States and maintaining that Mahathir’s government went after him to end his political career after he called attention to the endemic corruption in the party.
He returned last year, lambasting the Barisan Nasional, the country’s race-based ruling coalition, in well-attended public gatherings across the country. The coalition, he says, dishes out contracts to UMNO-linked businessmen, tarnishes the rule of law and deludes the ethnic Malay majority with promises of wealth via failed affirmative action policies.
Anwar, who turns 60 this year, has launched a media blitz in anticipation of his return to the electoral arena, giving interviews to anybody who wants to listen. He says he will contest the next election if it is held after April 2008. He is barred from politics until that time because of his prison sentence. Malaysia's Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who led a coalition of parties to victory in 2004, must call an election by early 2009.
Following disastrous race riots between the economically powerful Chinese minority and ethnic Malays that killed hundreds in 1969, the government instituted its New Economic Policy in 1970 to attempt to bridge the economic gap between the two races. The policies continue and increasingly draw criticism from opposition politicians and non-governmental organizations. Efforts to get the government to discontinue the preferences have come to a naught, incurring the wrath of Chinese and Indians who feel the government has helped the Malays enough.
But, Anwar says, the NEP must go simply because it has not looked into the economic well-being of the Malays but helped line the wallets of the ruling elite.
“There has been no trickle-down effect to the poor,” he says. “It’s been benefiting the government and leaders of the ruling UMNO and not the poor Malays.” He is certain, he says, that his message would be well-received by the Malays, who form UMNO’s grassroots support.
“For 30 years, UMNO has told the Malays that the NEP is to help them. But the crux is to the contrary. I will have to make the Malays understand a few hundred million shares have been taken by the ruling elite under the name of the NEP and that the poor Malays got nothing.”
In the NEP’s place, Anwar proposes a national policy which targets poverty eradication and promotes economic well-being irrespective of race. Academics warn the idea seems more feasible on paper, despite the fact that it is spearheaded by Anwar. Their argument is simple – it is an uphill task to get the Malays to understand the NEP was a failure. “The Malays would also want to maintain their superior status among the races,” says an analyst who declined to be named.
Certainly, some academics consider the NEP a failure. The policy gave rise to unequal development of the Malay community – the exact reverse of the policy’s intent. The plan created a small Malay bourgeoisie closely associated with the UMNO elite, disparagingly called the UMNOputra (a play on the Malay bumiputra, or sons of the soil) and a large working class. A Malaysian think-tank set off a firestorm in October by suggesting in a study that ethnic Malays now own an eye-popping 45 percent of Malaysia’s publicly listed corporate equity, far above the goal of 30 percent set by the NEP. The government insists that ethnic Malays control only 19 percent. The study was dismissed by UMNO leaders, who said it was intended to incite anger and confuse Malays. But other critics said what the NEP had done was to create a gilded and unproductive elite that take their education and jobs for granted while dong nothing for rural Malays.
While on the surface it looks as if racial harmony is maintained, tensions continue to brew between the three major ethnic groups. Ethnic Malays comprise some 60 percent of the population and the Chinese 26 percent, with Indians and indigenous groups making up the rest.
The Malaysian government has so far kept a tight lid on racial tensions despite ethnic clashes that periodically bring reminders of the murderous 1969 violence. In 2001, for instance, there were clashes between Indians and Malays in the suburbs of Kuala Lumpur, the capital city.
What exacerbates the tension further is the inability of the Chinese and Indians to question special rights and privileges accorded to the Malays. Debates on race relations are considered too sensitive in Malaysia. It remains a topic for heated discussion in tea stalls.
“This is the result of direct threats issued by UMNO. Non-Malays are strictly warned against talking about Malay rights, NEP, race relations and issues relating to Islam,” said Anwar.
UMNO has led the ruling coalition since independence from British colonial rule in 1957. Anwar is now a member of the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) or People’s Justice Party founded and led by his wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail. On the face of it, he appears to have virtually no chance of taking the premiership from outside UMNO, particularly because over the recent past ethnic Malay xenophobia has been on the rise. With Anwar arguing for a departure from race-based politics, his task seems impossible.
But there are new factors that could upset the equation, particularly allegations of corruption at the top of UMNO. Najib Tun Razak, the deputy prime minister and son of onetime Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak, faces increasingly serious charges of corruption that could wreak havoc on UMNO.
Najib has previously been impervious to corruption charges, particularly over a huge commission paid to his family for the purchase of submarines for the Malaysian navy, but he has come under additional scrutiny over questions about his role, if any, in murder charges against a prominent Malaysian political analyst with close ties to some of the country’s top political figures.
Abdul Razak Baginda, 46, and two members of a special police unit under Najib that normally exists to protect diplomats, face charges in the murder of a young Mongolian woman, Altantuya Shaariibuu, whose body was found in a patch of jungle near the Kuala Lumpur suburb of Shah Alam in November. She had reportedly been shot twice and torn apart with hand grenades available only to Malaysia’s security forces after trying to get Abdul Razak to acknowledge fathering her baby.
Perceiving weakness, Anwar has launched a ferocious assault on Najib and UMNO over arms purchases carried out by the Defense Ministry while also demanding that police investigate Najib’s ties, if any, to the indicted figures and Altantuya.
But if he pursues his course on the race issue, Anwar could risk new trouble. Prime Minister Abdullah has made it very clear that race relations and Islam are off limits in order to maintain national harmony. Public debates regarding the two issues could be deemed a threat to national security, warranting summary detention under the Internal Security Act (ISA).
UMNO leaders have been only too happy to echo Abdullah’s call. Late last year, the premier’s son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin told the media that the Chinese community in Malaysia will take advantage of the Malays if UMNO is weak. This not only prompted an outburst from parties within the ruling coalition front but also from senior UMNO members. Abdullah defended Khairy by saying the press had misquoted him; he refused to apologize and agreed his comments are important to defend Malay rights and Islam.
Reinforcing the off-limits policy, the leadership silenced debate on the burial of national hero M.Moorthy last year, whose Muslim identity was in question. An Islamic shariah court declared that Moorthy, the first Malaysian to climb Mount Everest, had converted to Islam before his death. The Islamic tribunal did not give a chance for his wife to give evidence as she is not a Muslim.
Surprisingly the nation’s High Court ruled that it had no jurisdiction in religious matters and could not override the shariah court in such matters. Moorthy was finally buried a Muslim, whether he actually was or not.
Abdullah’s administration quelled public debate on the matter. Anwar, on the other hand, has vehemently condemned the way the case was dealt with. “While speaking in a Muslim rural heartland in Kedah (northern state), I told the people it was wrong for the High Court to deny Moorthy’s wife, who is clearly a non-Muslim, the right to be heard in a civil court.”
Comments like these have earned Anwar the wrath of the government. A recent public speech was refused a police permit. But whether this signals a renewed desire to curb Anwar’s rising popularity remains to be seen. While there is little doubt that Anwar can pull in crowds, Parti Keadilan Rakyat has little mass support. Political observers say Wan Azizah lacks the charm of a leader, and Anwar simply went missing from the local political scene after his acquittal.
Whatever the reasons, PKR has gained little traction. The Democratic Action Party (DAP) enjoys the support of the opposition Chinese. The Islamist Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) is popular among rural Malays in the northeastern state of Kelantan and Terengganu. PKR, a marginal multi-racial party, remains in limbo.
Anwar is confident that PKR can pull up its socks before the polls, “We are committed to a reform plan; Reform of the judiciary, administration and the working system of the government. UMNO is, on the other hand, corrupt to the core. I am sure the people will support us.”
Mageswary Ramakrishnan
Asia Sentinel
Out of prison and looking to resume his political life, Anwar Ibrahim, the once and -- he hopes -- future heir apparent to Malaysia’s premiership, is gambling on returning to power by doing what has never been done before: confronting the country’s race-based politics and trying to break the 60-year reign of the ruling United Malays National Organization.
In the Malaysian racial balancing act, ethnic Malays have enjoyed targeted economic preferences for almost 40 years, ostensibly to ease once-tense relations with the prosperous Chinese minority. The government has refused to budge on the system but Anwar says preferences have failed and are contributing to rising tension.
“Certainly there is a growing tension which we have not seen since the late 60’s but the UMNO-led government is in a constant state of denial,” Anwar said in an interview with Asia Sentinel.
With that as a starting point, Anwar says he intends to seek the office that eluded him 10 years ago when he tangled with his one-time mentor, former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. He was ousted as deputy prime minister and jailed for six years on charges of corruption and sexual perversion that are almost universally regarded as trumped up. Since his release in 2004 following Mahathir’s retirement, Anwar has largely been outside Malaysia, lecturing at universities in the United States and maintaining that Mahathir’s government went after him to end his political career after he called attention to the endemic corruption in the party.
He returned last year, lambasting the Barisan Nasional, the country’s race-based ruling coalition, in well-attended public gatherings across the country. The coalition, he says, dishes out contracts to UMNO-linked businessmen, tarnishes the rule of law and deludes the ethnic Malay majority with promises of wealth via failed affirmative action policies.
Anwar, who turns 60 this year, has launched a media blitz in anticipation of his return to the electoral arena, giving interviews to anybody who wants to listen. He says he will contest the next election if it is held after April 2008. He is barred from politics until that time because of his prison sentence. Malaysia's Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who led a coalition of parties to victory in 2004, must call an election by early 2009.
Following disastrous race riots between the economically powerful Chinese minority and ethnic Malays that killed hundreds in 1969, the government instituted its New Economic Policy in 1970 to attempt to bridge the economic gap between the two races. The policies continue and increasingly draw criticism from opposition politicians and non-governmental organizations. Efforts to get the government to discontinue the preferences have come to a naught, incurring the wrath of Chinese and Indians who feel the government has helped the Malays enough.
But, Anwar says, the NEP must go simply because it has not looked into the economic well-being of the Malays but helped line the wallets of the ruling elite.
“There has been no trickle-down effect to the poor,” he says. “It’s been benefiting the government and leaders of the ruling UMNO and not the poor Malays.” He is certain, he says, that his message would be well-received by the Malays, who form UMNO’s grassroots support.
“For 30 years, UMNO has told the Malays that the NEP is to help them. But the crux is to the contrary. I will have to make the Malays understand a few hundred million shares have been taken by the ruling elite under the name of the NEP and that the poor Malays got nothing.”
In the NEP’s place, Anwar proposes a national policy which targets poverty eradication and promotes economic well-being irrespective of race. Academics warn the idea seems more feasible on paper, despite the fact that it is spearheaded by Anwar. Their argument is simple – it is an uphill task to get the Malays to understand the NEP was a failure. “The Malays would also want to maintain their superior status among the races,” says an analyst who declined to be named.
Certainly, some academics consider the NEP a failure. The policy gave rise to unequal development of the Malay community – the exact reverse of the policy’s intent. The plan created a small Malay bourgeoisie closely associated with the UMNO elite, disparagingly called the UMNOputra (a play on the Malay bumiputra, or sons of the soil) and a large working class. A Malaysian think-tank set off a firestorm in October by suggesting in a study that ethnic Malays now own an eye-popping 45 percent of Malaysia’s publicly listed corporate equity, far above the goal of 30 percent set by the NEP. The government insists that ethnic Malays control only 19 percent. The study was dismissed by UMNO leaders, who said it was intended to incite anger and confuse Malays. But other critics said what the NEP had done was to create a gilded and unproductive elite that take their education and jobs for granted while dong nothing for rural Malays.
While on the surface it looks as if racial harmony is maintained, tensions continue to brew between the three major ethnic groups. Ethnic Malays comprise some 60 percent of the population and the Chinese 26 percent, with Indians and indigenous groups making up the rest.
The Malaysian government has so far kept a tight lid on racial tensions despite ethnic clashes that periodically bring reminders of the murderous 1969 violence. In 2001, for instance, there were clashes between Indians and Malays in the suburbs of Kuala Lumpur, the capital city.
What exacerbates the tension further is the inability of the Chinese and Indians to question special rights and privileges accorded to the Malays. Debates on race relations are considered too sensitive in Malaysia. It remains a topic for heated discussion in tea stalls.
“This is the result of direct threats issued by UMNO. Non-Malays are strictly warned against talking about Malay rights, NEP, race relations and issues relating to Islam,” said Anwar.
UMNO has led the ruling coalition since independence from British colonial rule in 1957. Anwar is now a member of the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) or People’s Justice Party founded and led by his wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail. On the face of it, he appears to have virtually no chance of taking the premiership from outside UMNO, particularly because over the recent past ethnic Malay xenophobia has been on the rise. With Anwar arguing for a departure from race-based politics, his task seems impossible.
But there are new factors that could upset the equation, particularly allegations of corruption at the top of UMNO. Najib Tun Razak, the deputy prime minister and son of onetime Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak, faces increasingly serious charges of corruption that could wreak havoc on UMNO.
Najib has previously been impervious to corruption charges, particularly over a huge commission paid to his family for the purchase of submarines for the Malaysian navy, but he has come under additional scrutiny over questions about his role, if any, in murder charges against a prominent Malaysian political analyst with close ties to some of the country’s top political figures.
Abdul Razak Baginda, 46, and two members of a special police unit under Najib that normally exists to protect diplomats, face charges in the murder of a young Mongolian woman, Altantuya Shaariibuu, whose body was found in a patch of jungle near the Kuala Lumpur suburb of Shah Alam in November. She had reportedly been shot twice and torn apart with hand grenades available only to Malaysia’s security forces after trying to get Abdul Razak to acknowledge fathering her baby.
Perceiving weakness, Anwar has launched a ferocious assault on Najib and UMNO over arms purchases carried out by the Defense Ministry while also demanding that police investigate Najib’s ties, if any, to the indicted figures and Altantuya.
But if he pursues his course on the race issue, Anwar could risk new trouble. Prime Minister Abdullah has made it very clear that race relations and Islam are off limits in order to maintain national harmony. Public debates regarding the two issues could be deemed a threat to national security, warranting summary detention under the Internal Security Act (ISA).
UMNO leaders have been only too happy to echo Abdullah’s call. Late last year, the premier’s son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin told the media that the Chinese community in Malaysia will take advantage of the Malays if UMNO is weak. This not only prompted an outburst from parties within the ruling coalition front but also from senior UMNO members. Abdullah defended Khairy by saying the press had misquoted him; he refused to apologize and agreed his comments are important to defend Malay rights and Islam.
Reinforcing the off-limits policy, the leadership silenced debate on the burial of national hero M.Moorthy last year, whose Muslim identity was in question. An Islamic shariah court declared that Moorthy, the first Malaysian to climb Mount Everest, had converted to Islam before his death. The Islamic tribunal did not give a chance for his wife to give evidence as she is not a Muslim.
Surprisingly the nation’s High Court ruled that it had no jurisdiction in religious matters and could not override the shariah court in such matters. Moorthy was finally buried a Muslim, whether he actually was or not.
Abdullah’s administration quelled public debate on the matter. Anwar, on the other hand, has vehemently condemned the way the case was dealt with. “While speaking in a Muslim rural heartland in Kedah (northern state), I told the people it was wrong for the High Court to deny Moorthy’s wife, who is clearly a non-Muslim, the right to be heard in a civil court.”
Comments like these have earned Anwar the wrath of the government. A recent public speech was refused a police permit. But whether this signals a renewed desire to curb Anwar’s rising popularity remains to be seen. While there is little doubt that Anwar can pull in crowds, Parti Keadilan Rakyat has little mass support. Political observers say Wan Azizah lacks the charm of a leader, and Anwar simply went missing from the local political scene after his acquittal.
Whatever the reasons, PKR has gained little traction. The Democratic Action Party (DAP) enjoys the support of the opposition Chinese. The Islamist Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) is popular among rural Malays in the northeastern state of Kelantan and Terengganu. PKR, a marginal multi-racial party, remains in limbo.
Anwar is confident that PKR can pull up its socks before the polls, “We are committed to a reform plan; Reform of the judiciary, administration and the working system of the government. UMNO is, on the other hand, corrupt to the core. I am sure the people will support us.”
Mageswary Ramakrishnan
Asia Sentinel
RED & YELLOW ROSE CAMPAIGN ROUTE MAP
An Open Letter to HINDRAF Supporters & All Malaysians
I invite you to join my only 5 year daughter on Feb 16th who would brave the might of Police with their tear gas and chemical laced water cannons to prevent her and thousands against reaching Parliament House to deliver their messages of Peace and Justice.
Many may wonder why Roses to a PM who doesn't understand or pretend not to understand the plight of Malaysian Indians. Many emailed me seeking answers whether we have softened our demands.
No. Under no circumstances would we soften our demand and approach. We have remained silent for far too long and if we don't insist on our demands now then we never would in the future.
Pre and post 25/11 has seen various baseless accusations against HINDRAF and its leaders. Prior to that hundreds of our letters, appeals, memorandums ect to the PM had gone to deaf ears. When we "moved" the Indian community, suddenly the Government woke up not knowing how to tackle the problem of the new "Peaceful Indian uprising" against their might. They had all the while taken the Indian community for granted. That the Indian community are a bunch that can be pleased with "sweeteners" especially during elections. They had taken for granted that there wouldn't be credible and capable leaders who would genuinely fight for them and their cause. I can only thank the Indian community for having the confidence on HINDRAF.
The Government had to cover up their bungle for the mess they created on 25/11. Hence the accusations of racists, fundamentalists and terrorists. They wanted to create a situation where the Malays would hate HINDRAF and rally behind them. I wouldn't be surprised if it was the Government's strategy to use HINDRAF and 25/11 to unite the already divided Malay community between them, Keadilan and PAS so that the Malays would rally their support behind UMNO. Fear of HINDU fundamentalism was created amongst Malays. It is sad that after 50 years the Government and UMNO still relies on race politics for their survival.
So on Feb 16th we proceed with our Roses. Valentine is associated with the Western Christian culture but accepted universally as a day to express LOVE. It is a time when the whole world seeks for ROSES to reach out their loved ones and send messages of Love.
I don't ask you to love the PM personally but I ask you to love the highest position entrusted upon him by the Yang Dipertuan Agong to lead the country. Most of us hated Mahathir for his 22 years "regime" but we hold no grudges against him today. Likewise would be no reason holding grudges against the PM.
Let us give him the RED & YELLOW ROSES to symbolize/ remind him and assert that we are a peace loving community who come to him in all sincerity with our 18 demands that were submitted in July 2007 (Red Roses) and that we demand Justice for the 5 detained leaders (Yellow Roses). There are many ways of expressing quest and thirst for our basic fundamental rights and ROSES are a special way to convey those messages from a community who have been oppressed suppressed and marginalized for 50 years.
The whole world saw what happened on 25/11. Let the world again see and appreciate the peaceful struggle of these permanently colonized community. Believe me many in the western country are waiting anxiously to observe the Governments' reaction on 16/02.
I have known and read many regimes brought down by Power of Roses. But of course it was a failure at Tianaman Square China. I remember how the soldiers shot down innocent people with ROSES who championed and peacefully sought their rights. And so I can never promise you that all will be well on 16/02. Let us all Pray that our leaders would have the wisdom and courage to accept that after 50 years the Indian Community are prepared to "rise" for their rights because MALAYSIA HAS ALWAYS BEEN THEIR MOTHERLAND. By accepting those Roses the PM would prove to the entire country that he is a listening "father" of the nation.
I seek forgiveness of the Almighty for placing my only 5-year daughter on the forefront to face the possibility of the first round of tear gas and chemical laced water. Like any other child Vwaishhnnavi is a symbol of LOVE & AFFECTION. She is my only worldly treasure. I neither posses not property nor wealth. And I dedicate my only "treasure" for the cause of this suppressed community. I embrace the brave mother of this child for her determination, courage and commitment shown towards the struggle.
Vwaishhnnavi and many others of her age would brave the message of purity, truth, sincerity, and unselfishness for the sake of the future Indian generation.
May I invite all Malaysians irrespective of colour and creed to join us in this symbolic gesture to seek Justice for a marginalized community neglected, unattended forgotten for 50 years. Let us all declare Friday the 15th Feb a National Prayer Day for the Almighty to grand wisdom to leaders of our country to allow our future generation to express their message of Peace & Justice.
Let us all pray that the Prime Minister who claims that he has big ears to listen to grouses of all communities allow this child any many others including us to whisper the message of LOVE AND JUSTICE through the ROSES.
P.Waytha Moorthy
Chairman
HINDRAF
Currently in London
Many may wonder why Roses to a PM who doesn't understand or pretend not to understand the plight of Malaysian Indians. Many emailed me seeking answers whether we have softened our demands.
No. Under no circumstances would we soften our demand and approach. We have remained silent for far too long and if we don't insist on our demands now then we never would in the future.
Pre and post 25/11 has seen various baseless accusations against HINDRAF and its leaders. Prior to that hundreds of our letters, appeals, memorandums ect to the PM had gone to deaf ears. When we "moved" the Indian community, suddenly the Government woke up not knowing how to tackle the problem of the new "Peaceful Indian uprising" against their might. They had all the while taken the Indian community for granted. That the Indian community are a bunch that can be pleased with "sweeteners" especially during elections. They had taken for granted that there wouldn't be credible and capable leaders who would genuinely fight for them and their cause. I can only thank the Indian community for having the confidence on HINDRAF.
The Government had to cover up their bungle for the mess they created on 25/11. Hence the accusations of racists, fundamentalists and terrorists. They wanted to create a situation where the Malays would hate HINDRAF and rally behind them. I wouldn't be surprised if it was the Government's strategy to use HINDRAF and 25/11 to unite the already divided Malay community between them, Keadilan and PAS so that the Malays would rally their support behind UMNO. Fear of HINDU fundamentalism was created amongst Malays. It is sad that after 50 years the Government and UMNO still relies on race politics for their survival.
So on Feb 16th we proceed with our Roses. Valentine is associated with the Western Christian culture but accepted universally as a day to express LOVE. It is a time when the whole world seeks for ROSES to reach out their loved ones and send messages of Love.
I don't ask you to love the PM personally but I ask you to love the highest position entrusted upon him by the Yang Dipertuan Agong to lead the country. Most of us hated Mahathir for his 22 years "regime" but we hold no grudges against him today. Likewise would be no reason holding grudges against the PM.
Let us give him the RED & YELLOW ROSES to symbolize/ remind him and assert that we are a peace loving community who come to him in all sincerity with our 18 demands that were submitted in July 2007 (Red Roses) and that we demand Justice for the 5 detained leaders (Yellow Roses). There are many ways of expressing quest and thirst for our basic fundamental rights and ROSES are a special way to convey those messages from a community who have been oppressed suppressed and marginalized for 50 years.
The whole world saw what happened on 25/11. Let the world again see and appreciate the peaceful struggle of these permanently colonized community. Believe me many in the western country are waiting anxiously to observe the Governments' reaction on 16/02.
I have known and read many regimes brought down by Power of Roses. But of course it was a failure at Tianaman Square China. I remember how the soldiers shot down innocent people with ROSES who championed and peacefully sought their rights. And so I can never promise you that all will be well on 16/02. Let us all Pray that our leaders would have the wisdom and courage to accept that after 50 years the Indian Community are prepared to "rise" for their rights because MALAYSIA HAS ALWAYS BEEN THEIR MOTHERLAND. By accepting those Roses the PM would prove to the entire country that he is a listening "father" of the nation.
I seek forgiveness of the Almighty for placing my only 5-year daughter on the forefront to face the possibility of the first round of tear gas and chemical laced water. Like any other child Vwaishhnnavi is a symbol of LOVE & AFFECTION. She is my only worldly treasure. I neither posses not property nor wealth. And I dedicate my only "treasure" for the cause of this suppressed community. I embrace the brave mother of this child for her determination, courage and commitment shown towards the struggle.
Vwaishhnnavi and many others of her age would brave the message of purity, truth, sincerity, and unselfishness for the sake of the future Indian generation.
May I invite all Malaysians irrespective of colour and creed to join us in this symbolic gesture to seek Justice for a marginalized community neglected, unattended forgotten for 50 years. Let us all declare Friday the 15th Feb a National Prayer Day for the Almighty to grand wisdom to leaders of our country to allow our future generation to express their message of Peace & Justice.
Let us all pray that the Prime Minister who claims that he has big ears to listen to grouses of all communities allow this child any many others including us to whisper the message of LOVE AND JUSTICE through the ROSES.
P.Waytha Moorthy
Chairman
HINDRAF
Currently in London
We want you to leave honourably, Samy
Numerous letters to Malaysiakini are requesting that MIC supremo S Samy Vellu steps down and this letter is no different. But despite all these calls to step down, Samy Vellu is adamant that he will contest the 12th general election. One of the reason he cites is that there is a lot more to be done.
My question, like others, is: What you going to achieve in the next five years that you haven't achieved in the last 29 years?
Most of the Barisan Nasional political parties have new leaders, the old hats quitting to make way for younger ones. These include Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Dr Ling Liong Sik and Lim Keng Yaik. But not Samy Vellu. Neither has he groomed his second echelon leaders.
The MIC No. 2 now is G. Palanivel. We hardly hear any news of him in the media of his activities as MIC No. 2 or MP or as women’s, family and community development deputy minister. Is he news-shy?
Come a general election, Samy Vellu tells the whole country that ineffective MIC reps would be replaced and fresh blood would be injected. Yes, every general election we hear that from him but he just forgets one thing - change must begin from the top, not from the bottom.
In Samy 's case, by being where he is, he is detrimental to the entire Barisan Nasional. He may cost BN more seats around this time and probably lose his own seat too.
The Ijok by-election saw a young teacher by the name of K Parthiban being fielded as a candidate. The by-election campaigning period time was the first and last we ever heard of him! No news of him cutting ribbons or officiating at something or the other. Not even in the Tamil vernacular newspapers. Now that's the classic example of ‘fresh blood’ injected into MIC.
Finally as a voter who traditionally crosses the Dacing logo, I call upon the honorable Works Minister, Dato Seri Dr Samy Vellu, to gracefully exit the Indian political scene in Malaysia, honourably.
You opposed nail and tooth, together with the late V Manickavasagam, one of the finest Indian politicians in this country, the late VT Sambanthan. Together with Manickavasagam, you made him exit as MIC head.
At that time, it was only you and Manicka calling for the removal of Sambanthan but today almost the entire Indian community in Malaysia wishes you to go. Please be aware of the sensitivities on the ground and make a good decision. Let Palanivel lead from now on for what he is worth. Isn't that the reason you put him there in the first place?
Hamsa Sampangi
Malaysiakini
My question, like others, is: What you going to achieve in the next five years that you haven't achieved in the last 29 years?
Most of the Barisan Nasional political parties have new leaders, the old hats quitting to make way for younger ones. These include Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Dr Ling Liong Sik and Lim Keng Yaik. But not Samy Vellu. Neither has he groomed his second echelon leaders.
The MIC No. 2 now is G. Palanivel. We hardly hear any news of him in the media of his activities as MIC No. 2 or MP or as women’s, family and community development deputy minister. Is he news-shy?
Come a general election, Samy Vellu tells the whole country that ineffective MIC reps would be replaced and fresh blood would be injected. Yes, every general election we hear that from him but he just forgets one thing - change must begin from the top, not from the bottom.
In Samy 's case, by being where he is, he is detrimental to the entire Barisan Nasional. He may cost BN more seats around this time and probably lose his own seat too.
The Ijok by-election saw a young teacher by the name of K Parthiban being fielded as a candidate. The by-election campaigning period time was the first and last we ever heard of him! No news of him cutting ribbons or officiating at something or the other. Not even in the Tamil vernacular newspapers. Now that's the classic example of ‘fresh blood’ injected into MIC.
Finally as a voter who traditionally crosses the Dacing logo, I call upon the honorable Works Minister, Dato Seri Dr Samy Vellu, to gracefully exit the Indian political scene in Malaysia, honourably.
You opposed nail and tooth, together with the late V Manickavasagam, one of the finest Indian politicians in this country, the late VT Sambanthan. Together with Manickavasagam, you made him exit as MIC head.
At that time, it was only you and Manicka calling for the removal of Sambanthan but today almost the entire Indian community in Malaysia wishes you to go. Please be aware of the sensitivities on the ground and make a good decision. Let Palanivel lead from now on for what he is worth. Isn't that the reason you put him there in the first place?
Hamsa Sampangi
Malaysiakini
A Heritage Denied Decades of official discrimination have turned Malaysia's ethnic Indians into a disgruntled underclass
Multiracial malaysia has three heritages to celebrate: Malay, Chinese and Indian. In the Bujang Valley in northern Kedah state, Malaysia's Indian roots are visible. An ancient kingdom existed there, of Hindu and Buddhist beliefs, dating back to the 4th century. It was a trading and migration port, within sailing distance of India, and it eventually became part of Sumatra's mighty Sriwijaya Empire. Since the site was rediscovered by explorers in the 1930s, more than 50 temple ruins have been excavated in the valley, making it Malaysia's richest archaeological treasure trove.
But an Indian Malaysian visiting the Bujang Valley might come away feeling demeaned rather than proud-and that would be no accident. The government has spruced up some ruins and built a museum beside them to showcase Bujang's archaeological finds. The ochre ruins are classically Indian in design, neat, dull-and there is nothing to tell the visitor how grand the originals may have
been. The museum has Buddhist and Hindu statues behind glass-cows, Ganeshas, lingams-but the official literature does its best to downplay, even denigrate, the Indian impact on the region. A board on the museum wall describes an "old Malay kingdom" in the Bujang Valley that had "contact with various people of different cultural origins and environments." The museum's brochure is even more explicit. It states that maritime trade led to the "indianization" of the Bujang Valley. The indigenous culture, it says "was eventually adulterated."
If that sounds like a wan cheer for Malaysia's Indian heritage, it's a sentiment familiar to most of the country's 1.8 million people of Indian descent. Affirmative action-type quotas for the Malay population, along with a political system controlled by the Malays and Chinese, make many Indian Malaysians feel like third-class citizens. The result is an increasingly aggrieved population, and a
timid one, that isn't very happy about its place in society. "I'm not sure I can see a future in this country for my children," says an Indian-Malaysian businesswoman in Kuala Lumpur who asks not to be named. "We'll give it another few years. If things have not improved, we'll leave for Europe."
Race is the big divide in Malaysia, as it has been ever since the watershed race riots of 1969. In his 20 years in power, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad has tried to uplift the Malays, who make up 55% of the 22 million population, and guarantee them a large percentage of available business opportunities. The second-largest group, the Chinese, were supposed to lose their disproportionate grip on the country's economy. But it may be the Indians who were the real losers. Most were imported a century ago to work the rubber plantations and tin mines, and they still dominate the bottom rungs of the social ladder. "Indians have neither the political nor the economic leverage to break out of their vicious cycle of poverty," says Selvakumaran Ramachandran, an Indian-Malaysian academic who works for the United Nations Development Program. "If their problems are not arrested and reversed, it is almost certain they will emerge as an underclass."
Already, Indians have the lowest share of the nation's corporate wealth: 1.5%, compared to 19.4% for the Malays and 38.5% for the Chinese. Not surprisingly, Indians claim the highest rate of suicide of any community. Violent crime is becoming Indian turf. In 1994, 128 of the 377 murders committed in Malaysia were by Indians. Some 15% of the Indians in the capital are squatters. "I have a feeling," says P. Ramasamy, a political science professor at the National University, "that if something is not done soon, something is going to really blow."
The Indians' main problem is numerical. With only 8% of the country's population, they don't have enough clout to alter pro-Malay business or employment policies, or even stand up to Malay chauvinism of the sort exhibited at the Bujang Valley museum. The Chinese community has a slew of ambitious political leaders. The Indian community's politics are dominated by the Malaysian Indian Congress (mic) and its leader of more than two decades, S. Samy Vellu, who happens to be the only Indian in Mahathir's cabinet.
When the government wants to dispense largesse to the Indian community, it usually does so through Samy Vellu, as a recent scene at mic headquarters demonstrated. Indian parents and their children came to hear Samy Vellu describe a new government scheme for student loans. It was a "very special allocation" made through the generosity of the Prime Minister and the Education
Minister, he said. To qualify, families had to earn less than $5,300 a year. A young Indian woman in the crowd admitted that her father made more than the stipulated amount. "Can I still apply?" she asked. "Don't worry," Samy Vellu assured her. "Come see me afterwards and I will make sure you can get it." Obviously impressed with the minister's magnanimity, the crowd of 500 applauded warmly. "Whatever we get," says a senior Indian journalist, "we can get only through the mic. That's how the system works."
One area in which Indians have prospered is the professions, particularly medicine and law, and Indian names stud the rolls of professional societies. Many of this group hail from white-collar families who worked in Malaysia when it was a British colony. Yet even with that background, an Indian Malaysian can find it difficult to become a doctor or lawyer. Local university seats and
scholarships to study overseas are all awarded by a racial quota system. Even when someone gets a degree, discrimination is frequent. Indian doctors, for instance, complain that they are increasingly excluded from the lists of approved doctors whom civil servants or company employees can use. "I wish you Americans would invade-just for a while," a small-town Indian doctor tells a visitor. "Then I would have a fairer chance of working in this country of ours."
So far, Indians have resigned themselves to their plight. But some rumbles are being heard. Last October, five Malaysian men were attacked and killed one night in the town of Kampar, 150 km north of Kuala Lumpur. Their charred remains were found in a torched pickup truck. The police arrested 13 cattle ranchers of Indian descent. The ranchers had complained for two years of people poaching their cows, but apparently the local police had done nothing to help. The 13 ranchers have yet to be tried, and poaching has reportedly ceased in that area. The defendants are quietly regarded as heroes among the Indian community. "Malaysia cannot afford to have about 8% of its population feel alienated," warns R.V. Navaratnam, a prominent businessman. "Malaysian unity can be as strong only as its weakest link-which is the Malaysian Indian community."
But an Indian Malaysian visiting the Bujang Valley might come away feeling demeaned rather than proud-and that would be no accident. The government has spruced up some ruins and built a museum beside them to showcase Bujang's archaeological finds. The ochre ruins are classically Indian in design, neat, dull-and there is nothing to tell the visitor how grand the originals may have
been. The museum has Buddhist and Hindu statues behind glass-cows, Ganeshas, lingams-but the official literature does its best to downplay, even denigrate, the Indian impact on the region. A board on the museum wall describes an "old Malay kingdom" in the Bujang Valley that had "contact with various people of different cultural origins and environments." The museum's brochure is even more explicit. It states that maritime trade led to the "indianization" of the Bujang Valley. The indigenous culture, it says "was eventually adulterated."
If that sounds like a wan cheer for Malaysia's Indian heritage, it's a sentiment familiar to most of the country's 1.8 million people of Indian descent. Affirmative action-type quotas for the Malay population, along with a political system controlled by the Malays and Chinese, make many Indian Malaysians feel like third-class citizens. The result is an increasingly aggrieved population, and a
timid one, that isn't very happy about its place in society. "I'm not sure I can see a future in this country for my children," says an Indian-Malaysian businesswoman in Kuala Lumpur who asks not to be named. "We'll give it another few years. If things have not improved, we'll leave for Europe."
Race is the big divide in Malaysia, as it has been ever since the watershed race riots of 1969. In his 20 years in power, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad has tried to uplift the Malays, who make up 55% of the 22 million population, and guarantee them a large percentage of available business opportunities. The second-largest group, the Chinese, were supposed to lose their disproportionate grip on the country's economy. But it may be the Indians who were the real losers. Most were imported a century ago to work the rubber plantations and tin mines, and they still dominate the bottom rungs of the social ladder. "Indians have neither the political nor the economic leverage to break out of their vicious cycle of poverty," says Selvakumaran Ramachandran, an Indian-Malaysian academic who works for the United Nations Development Program. "If their problems are not arrested and reversed, it is almost certain they will emerge as an underclass."
Already, Indians have the lowest share of the nation's corporate wealth: 1.5%, compared to 19.4% for the Malays and 38.5% for the Chinese. Not surprisingly, Indians claim the highest rate of suicide of any community. Violent crime is becoming Indian turf. In 1994, 128 of the 377 murders committed in Malaysia were by Indians. Some 15% of the Indians in the capital are squatters. "I have a feeling," says P. Ramasamy, a political science professor at the National University, "that if something is not done soon, something is going to really blow."
The Indians' main problem is numerical. With only 8% of the country's population, they don't have enough clout to alter pro-Malay business or employment policies, or even stand up to Malay chauvinism of the sort exhibited at the Bujang Valley museum. The Chinese community has a slew of ambitious political leaders. The Indian community's politics are dominated by the Malaysian Indian Congress (mic) and its leader of more than two decades, S. Samy Vellu, who happens to be the only Indian in Mahathir's cabinet.
When the government wants to dispense largesse to the Indian community, it usually does so through Samy Vellu, as a recent scene at mic headquarters demonstrated. Indian parents and their children came to hear Samy Vellu describe a new government scheme for student loans. It was a "very special allocation" made through the generosity of the Prime Minister and the Education
Minister, he said. To qualify, families had to earn less than $5,300 a year. A young Indian woman in the crowd admitted that her father made more than the stipulated amount. "Can I still apply?" she asked. "Don't worry," Samy Vellu assured her. "Come see me afterwards and I will make sure you can get it." Obviously impressed with the minister's magnanimity, the crowd of 500 applauded warmly. "Whatever we get," says a senior Indian journalist, "we can get only through the mic. That's how the system works."
One area in which Indians have prospered is the professions, particularly medicine and law, and Indian names stud the rolls of professional societies. Many of this group hail from white-collar families who worked in Malaysia when it was a British colony. Yet even with that background, an Indian Malaysian can find it difficult to become a doctor or lawyer. Local university seats and
scholarships to study overseas are all awarded by a racial quota system. Even when someone gets a degree, discrimination is frequent. Indian doctors, for instance, complain that they are increasingly excluded from the lists of approved doctors whom civil servants or company employees can use. "I wish you Americans would invade-just for a while," a small-town Indian doctor tells a visitor. "Then I would have a fairer chance of working in this country of ours."
So far, Indians have resigned themselves to their plight. But some rumbles are being heard. Last October, five Malaysian men were attacked and killed one night in the town of Kampar, 150 km north of Kuala Lumpur. Their charred remains were found in a torched pickup truck. The police arrested 13 cattle ranchers of Indian descent. The ranchers had complained for two years of people poaching their cows, but apparently the local police had done nothing to help. The 13 ranchers have yet to be tried, and poaching has reportedly ceased in that area. The defendants are quietly regarded as heroes among the Indian community. "Malaysia cannot afford to have about 8% of its population feel alienated," warns R.V. Navaratnam, a prominent businessman. "Malaysian unity can be as strong only as its weakest link-which is the Malaysian Indian community."
Maika Holdings, Samy Vellu & a big hypocrite
For those who are uninitiated, Maika Holdings was established in 1982 as the investment arm of Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), purportedly to enable Indian Malaysians to share in the country’s economy growth. Samy Vellu’s son S Vell Paari, is Maika Holdings’s CEO.
In April 1992, it was discovered that Maika Holdings involved in a 9 million Telekom shares scandal. Excerpt from Wikipedia:
In April 1992, when it was discovered that 9 million Telekom shares that were originally offered to Maika Holdings Berhad had been rechannelled to three unknown companies, SB Management Services Sdn. Bhd., Advanced Personal Computers Sdn. Bhd., and Clearway Sdn. Bhd. The first two companies RM2 shell companies, whereas the son and brother in law of S. Samy Vellu (President of the Malaysian Indian Congress) were the directors of the last.
Latest Scandal
Last November, Samy Vellu gave a personal assurance that that investors would receive RM130 for every RM100 invested by Feb 15. He further assured shareholders will get back their money in three months.
"Shareholders who invested in Maika because of me will not be cheated. I will never let them down," said Samy Vellu in a temple function in Johor yesterday.
"For those who want their money back, I have made arrangements to give it back to them in three months," he said.
"For all these shareholders and investors, Samy Vellu is the guarantee"
Even then, shareholders do not believe what’s being promised by Samy Vellu despite his personal guarantee.
"This is nothing new. I will not believe him until I see my money returned to me," said A Mutthiah who had invested in Maika in early 1980s.
Tamil-language daily Makkal Osai has been running a countdown to the deadline, publishing articles from grassroots leaders and shareholders reminding Samy Vellu and Vell Paari about the repayment.
SOURCE: Malaysiakini, 13 February 2007
Denial Mode
On Feb 13, it was reported by Malaysiakini that a Maika official said the assurance given by Samy Vellu to give RM130 for every RM100 invested was not a plan mooted by the investment arm.
"We have not heard of that plan until Samy Vellu was quoted in the Tamil papers as giving that assurance,"
Subsequently, a police report was lodged by Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) vice-chief S Manikavagam, urging IGP and ACA to reopen investigation into the Maika issue and called upon Attorney General Abdul Gani Patail to charge Samy Vellu, his son and the directors for fraud and criminal breach of trust.
About 100 people standing outside the Maika office and called on the Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to sack Samy Vellu.
SOURCE: Malaysiakini, 16 February 2007
As much as majority of Malaysians would love him to be sacked, let’s recognize the fact that his position as the cabinet minister is almost unassailable as the Indian’s community sole representative, therefore making him invincible. Also, bear in mind that Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi doesn’t have the right to sack him from his presidency as he was elected by the MIC members.
Now, questions that we need to ask:
1) Did the MIC president S Samy Vellu make the personal guarantee of RM130 return for RM100 invested?
2) If Samy Vellu made the promise, why Maika official denied the existence of the plan?
A big hypocrite indeed.
In April 1992, it was discovered that Maika Holdings involved in a 9 million Telekom shares scandal. Excerpt from Wikipedia:
In April 1992, when it was discovered that 9 million Telekom shares that were originally offered to Maika Holdings Berhad had been rechannelled to three unknown companies, SB Management Services Sdn. Bhd., Advanced Personal Computers Sdn. Bhd., and Clearway Sdn. Bhd. The first two companies RM2 shell companies, whereas the son and brother in law of S. Samy Vellu (President of the Malaysian Indian Congress) were the directors of the last.
Latest Scandal
Last November, Samy Vellu gave a personal assurance that that investors would receive RM130 for every RM100 invested by Feb 15. He further assured shareholders will get back their money in three months.
"Shareholders who invested in Maika because of me will not be cheated. I will never let them down," said Samy Vellu in a temple function in Johor yesterday.
"For those who want their money back, I have made arrangements to give it back to them in three months," he said.
"For all these shareholders and investors, Samy Vellu is the guarantee"
Even then, shareholders do not believe what’s being promised by Samy Vellu despite his personal guarantee.
"This is nothing new. I will not believe him until I see my money returned to me," said A Mutthiah who had invested in Maika in early 1980s.
Tamil-language daily Makkal Osai has been running a countdown to the deadline, publishing articles from grassroots leaders and shareholders reminding Samy Vellu and Vell Paari about the repayment.
SOURCE: Malaysiakini, 13 February 2007
Denial Mode
On Feb 13, it was reported by Malaysiakini that a Maika official said the assurance given by Samy Vellu to give RM130 for every RM100 invested was not a plan mooted by the investment arm.
"We have not heard of that plan until Samy Vellu was quoted in the Tamil papers as giving that assurance,"
Subsequently, a police report was lodged by Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) vice-chief S Manikavagam, urging IGP and ACA to reopen investigation into the Maika issue and called upon Attorney General Abdul Gani Patail to charge Samy Vellu, his son and the directors for fraud and criminal breach of trust.
About 100 people standing outside the Maika office and called on the Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to sack Samy Vellu.
SOURCE: Malaysiakini, 16 February 2007
As much as majority of Malaysians would love him to be sacked, let’s recognize the fact that his position as the cabinet minister is almost unassailable as the Indian’s community sole representative, therefore making him invincible. Also, bear in mind that Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi doesn’t have the right to sack him from his presidency as he was elected by the MIC members.
Now, questions that we need to ask:
1) Did the MIC president S Samy Vellu make the personal guarantee of RM130 return for RM100 invested?
2) If Samy Vellu made the promise, why Maika official denied the existence of the plan?
A big hypocrite indeed.
Will Indians remain just sweepers and guards?
Of late, a series of incidents in the country have revealed the vulnerability of the Indian community. Today it has become a common practice to talk of Indians as a minority, weak in terms of their political and economic status, a community afflicted with all kinds of problems, a community prone to engage in most violent forms of conduct and others.
If there is an incident, there is tendency on the part of the Indian middle-class and other ethnic groups to put the blame on Indians in general. For instance, in the Petaling Jaya Selatan episode, an impression was given the racial strife were caused by some irresponsible Indian gang members. In brief, there is growing tendency to view Indians as a problematic community in the country afflicted with all kinds of political, economic and social ills. A community waiting to be rescued from the clutches of evil by political parties, the government and other welfare-orientated organisations.
Of course, there is growing amnesia on the part of many to disregard the immense contribution of this particular community in making Malaysia what it is. Brought from India as semi-slaves in the beginning of the last century, they cleared the forest, hills and other physical impediments so that modern infrastructure could be built.
Plantations would not have been the mainstay of the Malaysian economy until the 1960s and 1970s had it not been for the contribution - sweat and blood - of Indian labourers. Thousands perished in building this country to what it is today. After more than hundred years of their existence, Indians remain poor, neglected, patronised and marginalised in a country that was build by them and others.
More than this, they have been subjected to worst forms of discrimination, shunned and pushed to the edge of the mainstream society. Paradoxically, they are considered a burden to the nation.
Impossible dream
Given the viciousness of racial politics perpetrated by the present ruling regime, Indians by themselves stand no chance to compete and struggle to better themselves. Lacking the historical experience of capital accumulation like the Chinese and unable to obtain governmental assistance like Malays, Indians are basically afloat in a quagmire without the benefit of an alternative leadership.
A leadership that will provide the community with a new political vision, a vision that will take them from the present doldrums so that one day they could emerge proud and dignified. The racial game of Malay hegemony has caused irreparable damage to the human existence of Indians, particularly those who belong to the working class category.
Racial ideology and the everyday practices of racism have virtually made it impossible for Indians to lead decent lives in the country. Denial of decent jobs, licenses, contracts and others have prevented Indians from emerging as a dynamic group. Today, working class Indians can only aspire to become coolies in the private sector, drivers for the rich, security guards, office boys, errand boys, sweepers and others.
Upward mobility in the Malaysian racist society is an impossible dream for thousands and thousands of Indians in the working class categories both in plantations and in urban areas.
No human being would want to put up with injustice and discrimination for long. Indians are no exception, there is a definite limit to where they can be pushed and bullied. They want no special preference, but existence free from injustice, discrimination and cruelty.
Indians have no hostility towards other races, but would want the latter to respect their nationality rights and vice versa. However, they would not want to put up with present situation of extreme racism for too long. Too much time has been wasted in depending on certain political parties within the government for their salvation.
Inalienable rights
There is growing realisation that an independent political course has to be charted for their future in this country. In the near foreseeable future, Indians will have no choice but to fight for their rights and for their rightful place in the Malaysian society. Whether there are political parties in the opposition that will provide Indians with this new vision, leadership and sense of purpose is difficult to gauge at the moment. If the opposition is genuinely interested in taking up the cause of Indians, then a serious attempt should be made to address their nationality rights.
What is particularly significant today is for the emergence of an alternative leadership for Indians, a leadership that will have to be led by Indians with vision to resurrect the status of the community.
A leadership that will take up the struggle of Indians so that they would emerge as a significant national group in the country fully endowed with their inalienable rights as citizens, free from discrimination, enjoying full rights like other citizens, right to their mother-tongue education, full access to jobs, education and others.
In short, an alternative organisation for Indians should start by championing the nationality rights which among other things will seek to dismantle the sources of present racism and injustice in the country.
Malaysia is one country where the government never seems to learn from past mistakes. On the contrary, past mistakes are often repeated in new forms so as to prove that the government has never been wrong.
More significantly, one gets the impression that development plans and policies are more intended to satisfy the lust of a few capitalists rather for the improvement of the well-being of Malaysians in general.
The recent introduction of the Third Outline Perspective Plan (OPP3) in parliament by the prime minister is in a way no different from other previous perspective plans. It merely endorses earlier government objectives without recognising some of the dangerous pitfalls of such objectives.
The manner of the plan's introduction without giving the opposition enough time to read smacks of government arrogance and disrespect for the elected representatives in the parliament.
The contents of the development for the next 10 years is but a regurgitation of capitalist solutions that are biased in favour of the rich and those who have closer connections with the governmental elite.
Foreign scapegoats
Since many of the old objectives have never been met in the country, there has been no attempt on the part of the government to explain their failure in earlier years. But instead, quite characteristic of the present government, failures of earlier
developmental objectives have been blamed on outside forces. Who are these outside forces and how they spoiled our chances remains a mystery.
We are back to square one now. Objectives hatched in the heat of the New Economic Policy (NEP) have been re-introduced to meet the developmental goals of the next 10 years. Among these objectives, the creation of the 30 percent equity for the bumiputra stands out like a sore thumb.
The basic argument of the government for that particular objective of the NEP, and later the National Development Plan (NDP), not being met is because of the pernicious role of outside forces. Of course, as we are fully aware, no mention is made to examine the internal forces and the role of the government as to why this particular objective failed.
Was it because of the politics of certain political parties, or was it because the government never really intended to create a real entrepreneurial class of bumiputra in the first place. Or was it because some crony capitalists, by developing a close nexus with the governmental elite, waylaid the plan?
Capitalist catapult
Despite the hue and cry over the nature of our affirmative action policies, the government seems unfazed. Unlike other countries where affirmative action programmes are meant to assist the poor and needy, in Malaysia these programmes are meant for individuals and groups who aspire to become capitalists.
Perhaps, this is the reason why the government is continuing to push Malays to take more business and entrepreneurial roles so that they could be constituted within the Malay capitalist class.
Indians who have been largely ignored in development plans in the past were given some recognition recently when it was stated the government would allocate a target of three percent for Indian capital acquisition.
Again, whether this form of affirmative action for the Indian community will help ordinary Indians caught in the vicious circle of working class existence remains to be seen.
It is really remarkable and yet so sad that it took the government 43 years of existence to recognise that the Indian community needs help. But, tragically, the solution has been sought in purely capitalist terms.
By setting a three percent target for Indian capital acquisition, the government is committing the same folly it did to Malays. There is feeling in high circles that this three percent allocation will somehow magically transform the plight of Indians in the country.
Cronyism revisited
This target is merely meant to appease a small section of the Indian business elite by providing them an affirmative action quota. A handful of Indian economic elite will benefit, but the plight of Indians in the country will remain unchanged for the worse.
Again, like in the case of the Malays, affirmative action for the Indian community is not for the needy and the exploited but for the Indian elite with connections. Another example of cronyism!
Recognition of Indians in the present developmental trajectory is merely symbolic. More specifically, the community as whole and its problems are not recognised but only the need of some Indians for capitalist acquisition.
Beyond this, the present development plan that was ambitiously and arrogantly presented in parliament has nothing in substance for the working class in the country. It does not even pay a lip service to resolve the everyday problems faced by the majority of Malaysians irrespective of their ethnic origins.
Strange belief
There is a strange belief prevalent among the top governmental elite that development policies by taking care of the elite, can take care of the masses.
The most tragic aspect of Malaysian development policies are its racial character. In the past and present, all development policies are predicated on the basis to fulfill ethnic demands and quotas. Without the rejection of racism in our development plans, the government can make no headway in providing its citizens with a sufficient stake in the system.
As long as some ethnic groups feel and think that they are less equal to others, development policies will have no effect in bringing about peace and goodwill among citizens.
P Ramasamy
If there is an incident, there is tendency on the part of the Indian middle-class and other ethnic groups to put the blame on Indians in general. For instance, in the Petaling Jaya Selatan episode, an impression was given the racial strife were caused by some irresponsible Indian gang members. In brief, there is growing tendency to view Indians as a problematic community in the country afflicted with all kinds of political, economic and social ills. A community waiting to be rescued from the clutches of evil by political parties, the government and other welfare-orientated organisations.
Of course, there is growing amnesia on the part of many to disregard the immense contribution of this particular community in making Malaysia what it is. Brought from India as semi-slaves in the beginning of the last century, they cleared the forest, hills and other physical impediments so that modern infrastructure could be built.
Plantations would not have been the mainstay of the Malaysian economy until the 1960s and 1970s had it not been for the contribution - sweat and blood - of Indian labourers. Thousands perished in building this country to what it is today. After more than hundred years of their existence, Indians remain poor, neglected, patronised and marginalised in a country that was build by them and others.
More than this, they have been subjected to worst forms of discrimination, shunned and pushed to the edge of the mainstream society. Paradoxically, they are considered a burden to the nation.
Impossible dream
Given the viciousness of racial politics perpetrated by the present ruling regime, Indians by themselves stand no chance to compete and struggle to better themselves. Lacking the historical experience of capital accumulation like the Chinese and unable to obtain governmental assistance like Malays, Indians are basically afloat in a quagmire without the benefit of an alternative leadership.
A leadership that will provide the community with a new political vision, a vision that will take them from the present doldrums so that one day they could emerge proud and dignified. The racial game of Malay hegemony has caused irreparable damage to the human existence of Indians, particularly those who belong to the working class category.
Racial ideology and the everyday practices of racism have virtually made it impossible for Indians to lead decent lives in the country. Denial of decent jobs, licenses, contracts and others have prevented Indians from emerging as a dynamic group. Today, working class Indians can only aspire to become coolies in the private sector, drivers for the rich, security guards, office boys, errand boys, sweepers and others.
Upward mobility in the Malaysian racist society is an impossible dream for thousands and thousands of Indians in the working class categories both in plantations and in urban areas.
No human being would want to put up with injustice and discrimination for long. Indians are no exception, there is a definite limit to where they can be pushed and bullied. They want no special preference, but existence free from injustice, discrimination and cruelty.
Indians have no hostility towards other races, but would want the latter to respect their nationality rights and vice versa. However, they would not want to put up with present situation of extreme racism for too long. Too much time has been wasted in depending on certain political parties within the government for their salvation.
Inalienable rights
There is growing realisation that an independent political course has to be charted for their future in this country. In the near foreseeable future, Indians will have no choice but to fight for their rights and for their rightful place in the Malaysian society. Whether there are political parties in the opposition that will provide Indians with this new vision, leadership and sense of purpose is difficult to gauge at the moment. If the opposition is genuinely interested in taking up the cause of Indians, then a serious attempt should be made to address their nationality rights.
What is particularly significant today is for the emergence of an alternative leadership for Indians, a leadership that will have to be led by Indians with vision to resurrect the status of the community.
A leadership that will take up the struggle of Indians so that they would emerge as a significant national group in the country fully endowed with their inalienable rights as citizens, free from discrimination, enjoying full rights like other citizens, right to their mother-tongue education, full access to jobs, education and others.
In short, an alternative organisation for Indians should start by championing the nationality rights which among other things will seek to dismantle the sources of present racism and injustice in the country.
Malaysia is one country where the government never seems to learn from past mistakes. On the contrary, past mistakes are often repeated in new forms so as to prove that the government has never been wrong.
More significantly, one gets the impression that development plans and policies are more intended to satisfy the lust of a few capitalists rather for the improvement of the well-being of Malaysians in general.
The recent introduction of the Third Outline Perspective Plan (OPP3) in parliament by the prime minister is in a way no different from other previous perspective plans. It merely endorses earlier government objectives without recognising some of the dangerous pitfalls of such objectives.
The manner of the plan's introduction without giving the opposition enough time to read smacks of government arrogance and disrespect for the elected representatives in the parliament.
The contents of the development for the next 10 years is but a regurgitation of capitalist solutions that are biased in favour of the rich and those who have closer connections with the governmental elite.
Foreign scapegoats
Since many of the old objectives have never been met in the country, there has been no attempt on the part of the government to explain their failure in earlier years. But instead, quite characteristic of the present government, failures of earlier
developmental objectives have been blamed on outside forces. Who are these outside forces and how they spoiled our chances remains a mystery.
We are back to square one now. Objectives hatched in the heat of the New Economic Policy (NEP) have been re-introduced to meet the developmental goals of the next 10 years. Among these objectives, the creation of the 30 percent equity for the bumiputra stands out like a sore thumb.
The basic argument of the government for that particular objective of the NEP, and later the National Development Plan (NDP), not being met is because of the pernicious role of outside forces. Of course, as we are fully aware, no mention is made to examine the internal forces and the role of the government as to why this particular objective failed.
Was it because of the politics of certain political parties, or was it because the government never really intended to create a real entrepreneurial class of bumiputra in the first place. Or was it because some crony capitalists, by developing a close nexus with the governmental elite, waylaid the plan?
Capitalist catapult
Despite the hue and cry over the nature of our affirmative action policies, the government seems unfazed. Unlike other countries where affirmative action programmes are meant to assist the poor and needy, in Malaysia these programmes are meant for individuals and groups who aspire to become capitalists.
Perhaps, this is the reason why the government is continuing to push Malays to take more business and entrepreneurial roles so that they could be constituted within the Malay capitalist class.
Indians who have been largely ignored in development plans in the past were given some recognition recently when it was stated the government would allocate a target of three percent for Indian capital acquisition.
Again, whether this form of affirmative action for the Indian community will help ordinary Indians caught in the vicious circle of working class existence remains to be seen.
It is really remarkable and yet so sad that it took the government 43 years of existence to recognise that the Indian community needs help. But, tragically, the solution has been sought in purely capitalist terms.
By setting a three percent target for Indian capital acquisition, the government is committing the same folly it did to Malays. There is feeling in high circles that this three percent allocation will somehow magically transform the plight of Indians in the country.
Cronyism revisited
This target is merely meant to appease a small section of the Indian business elite by providing them an affirmative action quota. A handful of Indian economic elite will benefit, but the plight of Indians in the country will remain unchanged for the worse.
Again, like in the case of the Malays, affirmative action for the Indian community is not for the needy and the exploited but for the Indian elite with connections. Another example of cronyism!
Recognition of Indians in the present developmental trajectory is merely symbolic. More specifically, the community as whole and its problems are not recognised but only the need of some Indians for capitalist acquisition.
Beyond this, the present development plan that was ambitiously and arrogantly presented in parliament has nothing in substance for the working class in the country. It does not even pay a lip service to resolve the everyday problems faced by the majority of Malaysians irrespective of their ethnic origins.
Strange belief
There is a strange belief prevalent among the top governmental elite that development policies by taking care of the elite, can take care of the masses.
The most tragic aspect of Malaysian development policies are its racial character. In the past and present, all development policies are predicated on the basis to fulfill ethnic demands and quotas. Without the rejection of racism in our development plans, the government can make no headway in providing its citizens with a sufficient stake in the system.
As long as some ethnic groups feel and think that they are less equal to others, development policies will have no effect in bringing about peace and goodwill among citizens.
P Ramasamy
Protesting Indians expose Malaysia’s racial divisions
KUALA LUMPUR: Unprecedented street protests by ethnic Indians have opened up a new fault-line in Malaysia’s tense race relations, posing a major problem for the government as it faces elections, analysts said on Monday.
Political observers in the multicultural nation, where minority Indians and ethnic Chinese live alongside the dominant Malay Muslim community, said the ugly scenes at Sunday’s rally represented a new era of racial activism.
“It is quite clear we will have an emboldened community willing to fight for their rights. It’s almost a renaissance or a rebirth,” said leading commentator Charles Santiago.
“The young Indian population out there especially see discrimination on a daily basis ...For a lot of them, they feel they have nothing to lose.” At least 8,000 protesters including women and young people massed near Kuala Lumpur’s iconic Petronas Towers — meeting stiff resistance from police who beat them with batons and unleashed gas and chemical-laced water.
The rally was officially in support of a multi-trillion dollar lawsuit accusing former colonial ruler Britain of being at the root of Indians’ economic problems by bringing their ancestors here as indentured labourers in the 1800s.
But it was more squarely aimed at the ruling United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), which stands for Malay interests and has ruled the nation since independence a half-century ago.
While Malays control the political scene and the Chinese population is dominant in business, Indians complain they run a distant third in terms of wealth, education and opportunities.
Analysts said that although they had long been a silent minority, many ethnic Indians have become radicalised by the increasing ‘Islamisation’ of Malaysia, which minorities see as undermining their rights.
The destruction of hundreds of Hindu temples in recent years, sometimes with bulldozers moving in even as devotees were praying, has also caused intense anger.
“The Indians have become alienated and that has basically transformed the nature of resistance,” said political analyst P. Ramasamy, noting that ethnic Indian professionals were well represented at the protest.
“The character of struggle has changed. It has taken on a Hindu form — Hinduism versus Islam. And this is something that should not have taken place in a multi-racial society.”
Ramasamy said he was certain there would be more protests, raising the spectre of serious racial violence — not seen since 1969 and something all sides on Malaysia’s political scene are desperate to avoid.
The protests, which come shortly after another mass rally calling for election reforms, are a major headache for the government, which had been expected to call elections early next year.
UMNO rules in a coalition with race-based parties including the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), which has been under fire for its handling of the crisis.
“I think it’s very clear the MIC cannot speak on behalf of the Indian community any more,” Ramasamy said. “Elections are around the corner and whether their majority will be reduced we will see.”
Ordinary Malaysian Indians interviewed on Monday defended the protests saying they were forced onto the streets by a government which had ignored their grievances for decades.
“I think it’s a stepping stone for a better future, although change may not come overnight,” communications executive Thavamalar Muniandy said in the capital’s ethnic Indian Brickfields district.
“In my opinion the protest achieved its objective — we got the world to focus on us and the government can no longer ignore our concerns,” said 24-year-old law student Sivamalar Ganapathy.
A retiree who gave his name as Subramanian said that since the 1960s conflict, which pitted Chinese against Malays fearful of marginalisation, the nation had focused too much on elevating majority Muslims.
“Sadly, we were often neglected in the process of development and side-tracked,” he said.
“I’m sad to see that even after 50 years of independence we have to resort to such measures to express our dissatisfaction in a civilised country.”—AFP
By Sarah Stewart
Political observers in the multicultural nation, where minority Indians and ethnic Chinese live alongside the dominant Malay Muslim community, said the ugly scenes at Sunday’s rally represented a new era of racial activism.
“It is quite clear we will have an emboldened community willing to fight for their rights. It’s almost a renaissance or a rebirth,” said leading commentator Charles Santiago.
“The young Indian population out there especially see discrimination on a daily basis ...For a lot of them, they feel they have nothing to lose.” At least 8,000 protesters including women and young people massed near Kuala Lumpur’s iconic Petronas Towers — meeting stiff resistance from police who beat them with batons and unleashed gas and chemical-laced water.
The rally was officially in support of a multi-trillion dollar lawsuit accusing former colonial ruler Britain of being at the root of Indians’ economic problems by bringing their ancestors here as indentured labourers in the 1800s.
But it was more squarely aimed at the ruling United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), which stands for Malay interests and has ruled the nation since independence a half-century ago.
While Malays control the political scene and the Chinese population is dominant in business, Indians complain they run a distant third in terms of wealth, education and opportunities.
Analysts said that although they had long been a silent minority, many ethnic Indians have become radicalised by the increasing ‘Islamisation’ of Malaysia, which minorities see as undermining their rights.
The destruction of hundreds of Hindu temples in recent years, sometimes with bulldozers moving in even as devotees were praying, has also caused intense anger.
“The Indians have become alienated and that has basically transformed the nature of resistance,” said political analyst P. Ramasamy, noting that ethnic Indian professionals were well represented at the protest.
“The character of struggle has changed. It has taken on a Hindu form — Hinduism versus Islam. And this is something that should not have taken place in a multi-racial society.”
Ramasamy said he was certain there would be more protests, raising the spectre of serious racial violence — not seen since 1969 and something all sides on Malaysia’s political scene are desperate to avoid.
The protests, which come shortly after another mass rally calling for election reforms, are a major headache for the government, which had been expected to call elections early next year.
UMNO rules in a coalition with race-based parties including the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), which has been under fire for its handling of the crisis.
“I think it’s very clear the MIC cannot speak on behalf of the Indian community any more,” Ramasamy said. “Elections are around the corner and whether their majority will be reduced we will see.”
Ordinary Malaysian Indians interviewed on Monday defended the protests saying they were forced onto the streets by a government which had ignored their grievances for decades.
“I think it’s a stepping stone for a better future, although change may not come overnight,” communications executive Thavamalar Muniandy said in the capital’s ethnic Indian Brickfields district.
“In my opinion the protest achieved its objective — we got the world to focus on us and the government can no longer ignore our concerns,” said 24-year-old law student Sivamalar Ganapathy.
A retiree who gave his name as Subramanian said that since the 1960s conflict, which pitted Chinese against Malays fearful of marginalisation, the nation had focused too much on elevating majority Muslims.
“Sadly, we were often neglected in the process of development and side-tracked,” he said.
“I’m sad to see that even after 50 years of independence we have to resort to such measures to express our dissatisfaction in a civilised country.”—AFP
By Sarah Stewart
The racial divide widens in Malaysia
KUALA LUMPUR - Malaysia's government regularly cautions its constituents that open and honest dialogue of the "sensitive" subject of race is strictly off limits.
Then comes along the week-long United Malays National Organization (UMNO) annual assembly, at which Muslim Malay party leaders warn the country's minority Chinese and Indians that questioning the special status of Islam and Malays in society will be met with violent doom.
Fists tremble. Daggers are brandished. Party delegates thunder, "Long live the Malays." The very predictability of the chest-thumping is what UMNO members use to rationalize it: "Although some sides were a bit extreme [this year]," said UMNO vice president Muhyiddin Yassin, "it is quite normal to voice feelings during the assembly."
Yet it would be a mistake to confuse this year's assembly with previous party congresses. The Islamic and racist zeal was unmistakably more incessant and explicit, and the proceedings were considerably less tempered with calls for national unity. Remarks by Hasnoor Hussein, an UMNO delegate from Malacca, were typical: "UMNO is willing to risk lives and bathe in blood to defend the race and religion. Don't play with fire. If the [other races] mess with our rights, we will mess with theirs."
What troubles many Malaysians about UMNO's lack of restraint is that it comes at a time when the country appears more racially polarized than it's been in decades. Malaysia's mix of ethnic Malays, Indians and Chinese has long been resentful of each other and willfully segregate themselves. Those resentments exploded into full-blown race riots in 1969, when ethnic Malays attacked and killed scores of ethnic Chinese.
These days, some 90% of Chinese students attend private Mandarin-language schools. Meanwhile, most Malays attend public schools and most Indians Tamil-language institutions of learning. Two years ago the government initiated a public service program to improve race relations by choosing 18-year-olds to participate in a military style camp. That scheme has been dogged by reports of race-related infighting, however.
Unequal rights
In the face of a creeping Islamization, non-Malays and social activists have recently pressured Malaysia's UMNO leadership to grant equal rights to all of the country's citizens regardless of race or religion - as is guaranteed under the federal constitution.
In particular, they have also become more vocal in questioning a controversial affirmative action program intended to help Muslim Malays catch up economically with the ethnic Chinese, who comprise 60% and 25% of the population respectively.
Started in 1971, the so-called New Economic Policy (NEP) was originally intended to last 20 years but has since been extended indefinitely. That's because, according to the government, its target of 30% Malay ownership of the country's total corporate equity still has not been achieved. According to official statistics, that percentage now hovers around 18%. Yet a study conducted by an independent academic last month contested that figure by claiming that ethnic Malay total equity ownership could already be as high as 45%.
The push for more democracy in authoritarian Malaysia leaves its ethnic Chinese and Indian minority groups particularly vulnerable - a fact reflected in the racial bashing at this year's UMNO assembly. At the same time, UMNO's preoccupation with racial politics raises growing doubts about its ability to lead the country forward faced with the challenge of China's economic emergence. The party leadership has openly acknowledged the need for Malaysia to change course if it is to remain competitive with its fast-rising neighbors.
Economic growth slowed from 7.2% in 2004 to 5.2% last year, while foreign investment dropped 15% to $3.9 billion. Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi has promoted his concept of Islam Hadhari, or Civilizational Islam, a modernist interpretation of the faith that stresses moderation and technological and economic competitiveness. In that direction, his party has also introduced plans to transform Malaysia into a regional information technology, agricultural and biotech hub.
"We need an economic transformation," Abdullah said in his opening address at the UMNO assembly. Yet tight curbs on personal freedoms, implemented to curb racial tensions, have hindered the open inquiry and innovative spirit necessary to achieve Abdullah's vision. The next phase of economic development will require coincident social transformation, reforms the current race-obsessed political leadership is reluctant to implement.
Past tense progressive
Oddly, UMNO was once a progressive party, championing what seemed a viable vision to improve equity among the races. Even into the 1990s, under the iron-fisted leadership of Mahathir Mohamad, UMNO looked primed to lead Malaysia toward developed country status. The shimmering steel and glass that spangle Kuala Lumpur's skyline are remnants of that now fading vision.
But the plan went awry as UMNO became politically entrenched in power. Meanwhile, Malaysia's social development and technical know-how has not kept pace with its infrastructural achievements. A common concession in Malaysia, even among its own leadership, is that the country has first world infrastructure but a Third World mentality. Now, that dubious distinction is becoming increasingly obvious to outsiders.
The country's leadership must take much of the blame. UMNO has clung to old solutions, such as the NEP, to fix new problems. Put another way, UMNO, which has ruled Malaysia for four-plus decades through a coalition of other race-based parties, has become bitter, cynical and defensive - a party that is emphasizing preservation at the expense of progress.
Even younger UMNO members, once portrayed as idealistic, urbane and liberal, have quickly come to resemble the party's conservative old guard. And now they often represent the front edge of the party's increasing racist angst. For instance, Abdullah's Oxford-educated son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, who is coincidentally the deputy chief of UMNO's youth wing, warned in September that Chinese political groups would try to take advantage of any split inside UMNO.
When pressured to apologize, according to media reports, the 31-year-old said, "What is there to apologize for? ... I am only defending my race." At the annual assembly, meanwhile, UMNO youth chief Hishammudin Hussein urged the government to reject proposals for an inter-faith commission intended to foster better understanding among Malaysia's various religious groups.
He brandished a Malay dagger, known locally as a keris, when speaking. Some delegates, it seemed, urged him to go further. "Datuk Hisham has unsheathed his keris, waved his keris, kissed his keris. We want to ask Datuk Hisham, when is he going to use it?" said UMNO Perlis delegate Hashim Suboh.
Non-Malays are seeking to exploit the fiery tone of the UMNO assembly to their own political advantage. Liow Tiong Lai, youth chief of the Barisan Nasional component of the Malaysian Chinese Association, said the day that the assembly wrapped up, "All of us are Malaysians in this multiracial country and hatred must not exist. Instead, we must find strength in diversity. We must inculcate love and unity among the races in order to overcome obstacles together."
Malays and UMNO party members will question the sincerity of such remarks, and not without reason. Following UMNO's example, all of Malaysia's major political parties are explicitly race-based, and all have been known to play the race card to shore up their support bases. But only UMNO has the weight of an assembly that has incited anger, mistrust and ridicule of other races.
This year's assembly could mark a dangerous turning point for a country that not long ago was often applauded internationally as a model moderate Islamic nation for its seeming religious tolerance and clear economic achievements. Nowadays, it's altogether unclear if a racially charged UMNO can even manage to maintain short-term social and political stability.
By Ioannis Gatsiounis
Asia Times Online
Ioannis Gatsiounis, a New York native, is a Malaysia-based writer.
Then comes along the week-long United Malays National Organization (UMNO) annual assembly, at which Muslim Malay party leaders warn the country's minority Chinese and Indians that questioning the special status of Islam and Malays in society will be met with violent doom.
Fists tremble. Daggers are brandished. Party delegates thunder, "Long live the Malays." The very predictability of the chest-thumping is what UMNO members use to rationalize it: "Although some sides were a bit extreme [this year]," said UMNO vice president Muhyiddin Yassin, "it is quite normal to voice feelings during the assembly."
Yet it would be a mistake to confuse this year's assembly with previous party congresses. The Islamic and racist zeal was unmistakably more incessant and explicit, and the proceedings were considerably less tempered with calls for national unity. Remarks by Hasnoor Hussein, an UMNO delegate from Malacca, were typical: "UMNO is willing to risk lives and bathe in blood to defend the race and religion. Don't play with fire. If the [other races] mess with our rights, we will mess with theirs."
What troubles many Malaysians about UMNO's lack of restraint is that it comes at a time when the country appears more racially polarized than it's been in decades. Malaysia's mix of ethnic Malays, Indians and Chinese has long been resentful of each other and willfully segregate themselves. Those resentments exploded into full-blown race riots in 1969, when ethnic Malays attacked and killed scores of ethnic Chinese.
These days, some 90% of Chinese students attend private Mandarin-language schools. Meanwhile, most Malays attend public schools and most Indians Tamil-language institutions of learning. Two years ago the government initiated a public service program to improve race relations by choosing 18-year-olds to participate in a military style camp. That scheme has been dogged by reports of race-related infighting, however.
Unequal rights
In the face of a creeping Islamization, non-Malays and social activists have recently pressured Malaysia's UMNO leadership to grant equal rights to all of the country's citizens regardless of race or religion - as is guaranteed under the federal constitution.
In particular, they have also become more vocal in questioning a controversial affirmative action program intended to help Muslim Malays catch up economically with the ethnic Chinese, who comprise 60% and 25% of the population respectively.
Started in 1971, the so-called New Economic Policy (NEP) was originally intended to last 20 years but has since been extended indefinitely. That's because, according to the government, its target of 30% Malay ownership of the country's total corporate equity still has not been achieved. According to official statistics, that percentage now hovers around 18%. Yet a study conducted by an independent academic last month contested that figure by claiming that ethnic Malay total equity ownership could already be as high as 45%.
The push for more democracy in authoritarian Malaysia leaves its ethnic Chinese and Indian minority groups particularly vulnerable - a fact reflected in the racial bashing at this year's UMNO assembly. At the same time, UMNO's preoccupation with racial politics raises growing doubts about its ability to lead the country forward faced with the challenge of China's economic emergence. The party leadership has openly acknowledged the need for Malaysia to change course if it is to remain competitive with its fast-rising neighbors.
Economic growth slowed from 7.2% in 2004 to 5.2% last year, while foreign investment dropped 15% to $3.9 billion. Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi has promoted his concept of Islam Hadhari, or Civilizational Islam, a modernist interpretation of the faith that stresses moderation and technological and economic competitiveness. In that direction, his party has also introduced plans to transform Malaysia into a regional information technology, agricultural and biotech hub.
"We need an economic transformation," Abdullah said in his opening address at the UMNO assembly. Yet tight curbs on personal freedoms, implemented to curb racial tensions, have hindered the open inquiry and innovative spirit necessary to achieve Abdullah's vision. The next phase of economic development will require coincident social transformation, reforms the current race-obsessed political leadership is reluctant to implement.
Past tense progressive
Oddly, UMNO was once a progressive party, championing what seemed a viable vision to improve equity among the races. Even into the 1990s, under the iron-fisted leadership of Mahathir Mohamad, UMNO looked primed to lead Malaysia toward developed country status. The shimmering steel and glass that spangle Kuala Lumpur's skyline are remnants of that now fading vision.
But the plan went awry as UMNO became politically entrenched in power. Meanwhile, Malaysia's social development and technical know-how has not kept pace with its infrastructural achievements. A common concession in Malaysia, even among its own leadership, is that the country has first world infrastructure but a Third World mentality. Now, that dubious distinction is becoming increasingly obvious to outsiders.
The country's leadership must take much of the blame. UMNO has clung to old solutions, such as the NEP, to fix new problems. Put another way, UMNO, which has ruled Malaysia for four-plus decades through a coalition of other race-based parties, has become bitter, cynical and defensive - a party that is emphasizing preservation at the expense of progress.
Even younger UMNO members, once portrayed as idealistic, urbane and liberal, have quickly come to resemble the party's conservative old guard. And now they often represent the front edge of the party's increasing racist angst. For instance, Abdullah's Oxford-educated son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, who is coincidentally the deputy chief of UMNO's youth wing, warned in September that Chinese political groups would try to take advantage of any split inside UMNO.
When pressured to apologize, according to media reports, the 31-year-old said, "What is there to apologize for? ... I am only defending my race." At the annual assembly, meanwhile, UMNO youth chief Hishammudin Hussein urged the government to reject proposals for an inter-faith commission intended to foster better understanding among Malaysia's various religious groups.
He brandished a Malay dagger, known locally as a keris, when speaking. Some delegates, it seemed, urged him to go further. "Datuk Hisham has unsheathed his keris, waved his keris, kissed his keris. We want to ask Datuk Hisham, when is he going to use it?" said UMNO Perlis delegate Hashim Suboh.
Non-Malays are seeking to exploit the fiery tone of the UMNO assembly to their own political advantage. Liow Tiong Lai, youth chief of the Barisan Nasional component of the Malaysian Chinese Association, said the day that the assembly wrapped up, "All of us are Malaysians in this multiracial country and hatred must not exist. Instead, we must find strength in diversity. We must inculcate love and unity among the races in order to overcome obstacles together."
Malays and UMNO party members will question the sincerity of such remarks, and not without reason. Following UMNO's example, all of Malaysia's major political parties are explicitly race-based, and all have been known to play the race card to shore up their support bases. But only UMNO has the weight of an assembly that has incited anger, mistrust and ridicule of other races.
This year's assembly could mark a dangerous turning point for a country that not long ago was often applauded internationally as a model moderate Islamic nation for its seeming religious tolerance and clear economic achievements. Nowadays, it's altogether unclear if a racially charged UMNO can even manage to maintain short-term social and political stability.
By Ioannis Gatsiounis
Asia Times Online
Ioannis Gatsiounis, a New York native, is a Malaysia-based writer.
Umno-led BN is a racist political entity
Barisan Nasional is certainly a conglomerate of racists. Most of the leaders in the UMNO-led BN coalition are racists. Just look at the way they handle things and the way they behave and the way they comment and you would know what I mean.Malaysians in general must wake up to this reality and stop giving their support to such a monster.
Racism alone is enough to destroy Malaysia. And I have not mentioned anything about the danger of religious extremism here.
Catholic weekly in quandary over permit
Dec 20, 07 12:52pm Malaysiakini
The organ of the Catholic Church, Heraldis facing problems in renewing its yearly publishing permit allegedly over the use of the word ‘Allah’ in the weekly’s Bahasa Malaysia section.According to Church sources, the government is not happy with the use of the word ‘Allah’ by the weekly when referring to ‘God’ in Bahasa Malaysia.
The use of ‘Allah’ outside of Islam has previously stirred controversies in Malaysia. Four years ago, the Bible in Iban language was bannedbecause it translated the word ‘God’ as Allah Taala, which resembles Islam’s name for God, ‘Allah’.
The ban was however lifted after protests from the Christian community.
The Herald,which is published in four languages - English, Bahasa Malaysia, Chinese and Tamil - has a circulation of 12,000. The weekly’s permit is due to expire in two weeks.
The Herald - which publishes news and information for Catholics in Malaysia - have previously received written warnings pertaining to the content of their articles primarily those which touch on religious and political issues.
Most recently, the Heraldfrontpaged both the Bersih and Hindrafrally which saw tens of thousands protesters hitting the streets of Kuala Lumpur.
Remove BM section
Opposition leader Lim Kit Siang in a statement yesterday said the Home Ministry has imposed a new condition for the renewal of the Herald’s publication permit - that the BM section of the weekly be removed altogether.
This is confirmed by sources close to the Catholic weekly.
Lim has described Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s administration as one which has promoted religious polarisation the most as compared to four previous prime ministers.
Examples that the DAP veteran included are the demolition of the Sri Maha Mariaman Temple in Kampung Rimba Jaya in Shah Alam one week before Deepavali.
“This was followed by the disrespect and insensitivity when the Umno General Assembly was held on Deepavali – imagine the protest and outrage if the MCA or MIC had held their general assemblies during the Hari Raya holidays,” he said.
In addition, during the party assembly, Umno Youth deputy chief and prime minister’s son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin blamed the Indian news vendorsfor taking a holiday during Deepavali which resulted in Abdullah’s speech as Umno president not being prominently reported by the media.
Lim also noted the incident when two Umno parliamentarians - Syed Hood Syed Edros (BN-Parit Sulong) and Mohamad Aziz (BN-Sri Gading) demanded the removal of the cross and demolition of Christian statues in mission schools.
“The PM must take urgent measures to arrest the worsening of inter-religious relations in the country and halt the growing number of incidents of disrespect and insensitivity felt by non-Muslim Malaysian,” he added.
No need for non-Muslim affairs dept
Meanwhile, Abdullah yesterday said it was not necessary to set up a non-muslim affairs department because an effective special committee is already in place.
He said this after Indian non-governmental organisations requested the government to set up the department to handle the affairs of non-Muslims in the country.
The premier explained that the existing committee in the PM’s Department comprised of
Minister in the PM’s Department Bernard Dompok (handling Christian matters), Works Minister S Samy Vellu (Hindu) and Housing and Local Government Minister Ong Ka Ting (Buddhism).
Abdullah also said that the National Unity Department has a similar committee with a minister (Dr Maximus Ongkili) entrusted with matters pertaining to solidarity, religions and beliefs.
Source
Ronnie Liu
Colour Blind
Racism alone is enough to destroy Malaysia. And I have not mentioned anything about the danger of religious extremism here.
Catholic weekly in quandary over permit
Dec 20, 07 12:52pm Malaysiakini
The organ of the Catholic Church, Heraldis facing problems in renewing its yearly publishing permit allegedly over the use of the word ‘Allah’ in the weekly’s Bahasa Malaysia section.According to Church sources, the government is not happy with the use of the word ‘Allah’ by the weekly when referring to ‘God’ in Bahasa Malaysia.
The use of ‘Allah’ outside of Islam has previously stirred controversies in Malaysia. Four years ago, the Bible in Iban language was bannedbecause it translated the word ‘God’ as Allah Taala, which resembles Islam’s name for God, ‘Allah’.
The ban was however lifted after protests from the Christian community.
The Herald,which is published in four languages - English, Bahasa Malaysia, Chinese and Tamil - has a circulation of 12,000. The weekly’s permit is due to expire in two weeks.
The Herald - which publishes news and information for Catholics in Malaysia - have previously received written warnings pertaining to the content of their articles primarily those which touch on religious and political issues.
Most recently, the Heraldfrontpaged both the Bersih and Hindrafrally which saw tens of thousands protesters hitting the streets of Kuala Lumpur.
Remove BM section
Opposition leader Lim Kit Siang in a statement yesterday said the Home Ministry has imposed a new condition for the renewal of the Herald’s publication permit - that the BM section of the weekly be removed altogether.
This is confirmed by sources close to the Catholic weekly.
Lim has described Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s administration as one which has promoted religious polarisation the most as compared to four previous prime ministers.
Examples that the DAP veteran included are the demolition of the Sri Maha Mariaman Temple in Kampung Rimba Jaya in Shah Alam one week before Deepavali.
“This was followed by the disrespect and insensitivity when the Umno General Assembly was held on Deepavali – imagine the protest and outrage if the MCA or MIC had held their general assemblies during the Hari Raya holidays,” he said.
In addition, during the party assembly, Umno Youth deputy chief and prime minister’s son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin blamed the Indian news vendorsfor taking a holiday during Deepavali which resulted in Abdullah’s speech as Umno president not being prominently reported by the media.
Lim also noted the incident when two Umno parliamentarians - Syed Hood Syed Edros (BN-Parit Sulong) and Mohamad Aziz (BN-Sri Gading) demanded the removal of the cross and demolition of Christian statues in mission schools.
“The PM must take urgent measures to arrest the worsening of inter-religious relations in the country and halt the growing number of incidents of disrespect and insensitivity felt by non-Muslim Malaysian,” he added.
No need for non-Muslim affairs dept
Meanwhile, Abdullah yesterday said it was not necessary to set up a non-muslim affairs department because an effective special committee is already in place.
He said this after Indian non-governmental organisations requested the government to set up the department to handle the affairs of non-Muslims in the country.
The premier explained that the existing committee in the PM’s Department comprised of
Minister in the PM’s Department Bernard Dompok (handling Christian matters), Works Minister S Samy Vellu (Hindu) and Housing and Local Government Minister Ong Ka Ting (Buddhism).
Abdullah also said that the National Unity Department has a similar committee with a minister (Dr Maximus Ongkili) entrusted with matters pertaining to solidarity, religions and beliefs.
Source
Ronnie Liu
Colour Blind
Why Ban live telecast of Umno general assemblies?
The question at issue is not the live telecast of the Umno general assemblies but the insensitive, extremist, racist, incendiary and seditious utterances at the Umno general assemblies which must be condemned whether they are made on live-telecast or in closed-door meetings.
It is most unfortunate and regrettable that instead of zeroing on the real question at issue, MCA and MIC Ministers like Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting, Datuk Seri Chan Kong Choy, Datuk Dr. Chua Soi Lek and Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu had all gone for a red herring on the live telecast of Umno general assemblies.
I fully agree with Umno leaders and delegates who want live telecast of Umno general assemblies to continue. In fact, as far as “live telecast” is concerned, MCA and MIC Ministers should have advocated in the Cabinet the live telecast of parliamentary proceedings now that Umno general assembles are telecast live to the nation and the world.
The MCA and MIC Ministers should make amends in the next Cabinet meeting on Wednesday to put on clear record that they are not advocating the ban on live telecast of Umno general assemblies, but that their objection and even condemnation are confined to the extremist, racist, incendiary and seditious speeches by Umno leaders.
The Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi wants all Malaysian media to stop playing up racial issues and instead focus on stories about the nation’s development.
It is a pity that Abdullah had not given this advice to the Umno and Umno Youth general assemblies, which had been most guilty of playing up racial issues to the extent of undermining national building and national unity efforts as well as jeopardizing all national development programmes to enhance our international competitiveness to have an edge over other countries.
Abdullah owes Malaysians an explanation why he had not openly chided in his winding-up speech the Umno delegates who had made insensitive, extremist, racist, incendiary and seditious speeches casting a huge mushroom of a dark cloud on whether next year’s 50th National Day celebrations can be meaningful.
Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz said yesterday that the law will be allowed to take its course and that speakers at the Umno general assemblies who had flouted the law would not be spared.
Nazri, whose portfolio includes law and the administration of justice, should realize that there is the most widespread skepticism among Malaysians in the past three years that the law would be allowed to take its course and that those who had raised the May 13 spectre and threatened bloodshed, amok and riots at the Umno general assemblies would be brought to justice to face the full force of the law.
It is sad that within three years of the premiership of Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, a new crisis of confidence about the rule of law has enveloped the country.
However, it is not just rule of law which is facing a critical test. The insensitive, racist, incendiary and seditious speeches at the Umno general assemblies have also plunged the credibility and legitimacy of Umno discipline and integrity into question.
Malaysians are asking whether such insensitive, racist, incendiary and seditious speeches are acceptable and permissible inside Umno, and if so, then Umno has lost all bearings and even relevance as a mainstream political party in the coalition government as it would have veered away from Malaysian principles and goals, such as Malaysian nation-building and the Vision 2020 concept of a Bangsa Malaysia.
Media Statement
by Lim Kit Siang
It is most unfortunate and regrettable that instead of zeroing on the real question at issue, MCA and MIC Ministers like Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting, Datuk Seri Chan Kong Choy, Datuk Dr. Chua Soi Lek and Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu had all gone for a red herring on the live telecast of Umno general assemblies.
I fully agree with Umno leaders and delegates who want live telecast of Umno general assemblies to continue. In fact, as far as “live telecast” is concerned, MCA and MIC Ministers should have advocated in the Cabinet the live telecast of parliamentary proceedings now that Umno general assembles are telecast live to the nation and the world.
The MCA and MIC Ministers should make amends in the next Cabinet meeting on Wednesday to put on clear record that they are not advocating the ban on live telecast of Umno general assemblies, but that their objection and even condemnation are confined to the extremist, racist, incendiary and seditious speeches by Umno leaders.
The Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi wants all Malaysian media to stop playing up racial issues and instead focus on stories about the nation’s development.
It is a pity that Abdullah had not given this advice to the Umno and Umno Youth general assemblies, which had been most guilty of playing up racial issues to the extent of undermining national building and national unity efforts as well as jeopardizing all national development programmes to enhance our international competitiveness to have an edge over other countries.
Abdullah owes Malaysians an explanation why he had not openly chided in his winding-up speech the Umno delegates who had made insensitive, extremist, racist, incendiary and seditious speeches casting a huge mushroom of a dark cloud on whether next year’s 50th National Day celebrations can be meaningful.
Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz said yesterday that the law will be allowed to take its course and that speakers at the Umno general assemblies who had flouted the law would not be spared.
Nazri, whose portfolio includes law and the administration of justice, should realize that there is the most widespread skepticism among Malaysians in the past three years that the law would be allowed to take its course and that those who had raised the May 13 spectre and threatened bloodshed, amok and riots at the Umno general assemblies would be brought to justice to face the full force of the law.
It is sad that within three years of the premiership of Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, a new crisis of confidence about the rule of law has enveloped the country.
However, it is not just rule of law which is facing a critical test. The insensitive, racist, incendiary and seditious speeches at the Umno general assemblies have also plunged the credibility and legitimacy of Umno discipline and integrity into question.
Malaysians are asking whether such insensitive, racist, incendiary and seditious speeches are acceptable and permissible inside Umno, and if so, then Umno has lost all bearings and even relevance as a mainstream political party in the coalition government as it would have veered away from Malaysian principles and goals, such as Malaysian nation-building and the Vision 2020 concept of a Bangsa Malaysia.
Media Statement
by Lim Kit Siang
Umno and Umno Youth leaders talking nonsense
This morning, many Malaysians were telling me how frustrated and angry they were with the racial slurs uttered by both Umno and Umno Youth leaders these days.
"They are talking nonsense all the times. Nothing sensible and rational could come out from their "bloody" big mouths!" said Mr X.
"Is fanning racial sentiments the only way to maintain support in their own party? If that's the case, what kind of political party Umno is?" asked Mr Y.
"Umno is FOS- full of shit!" was the comment of hawker Mr Z.
You see, the people (especially the non-Malays) are now very disappointed and frustrated with the Umno leadership. Can you blame them for saying all sorts of things about both Umno and Umno Youth leaders?
I could understand their sentiments and feelings. They were very hurt and upset by the antics of these hypocritical political leaders.
You have Ghani Othman who said no to Bangsa Malaysia (mooted by Dr Mahathir in the Vision 2020 project) and insisted on Malay Supremacy ( Ketuanan Melayu).
You have Najib Tun Razak who declared that the Malay Agenda and NEP will go on forever (no time limit) because "Malays were being oppressed by the Dutch, Portugese and English for more than 400 years". He also warned Singapore's Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew not to raise the marginalization of the non-Malays in this country again. Judging from his past records and present behaviour, no one should harbor any hope that Najib will become a Prime Minister of all Malaysians.
You have Hishamuddin Hussein who's good at playing racial card and at the same time good at accusing others (including his partners in the ruling coalition Barisan Nasional) for playing the racial card to gain support from their respective communities. He even spoke from the podium in front of which a keris was placed. What was he trying to prove? Last year, Hishammuddin had brandished a keris during the general assembly and had called on Malays to rally behind Ketuanan Melayu (Malay supremacy). He said issues related to Islam should be raised through the syariah courts and not the civil courts, and he also urged the government to reject the setting up of an inter-faith commission as advocates have proposed. He also warned the Article 11 coalition not to talk about freedom of religion besides accusing Asli for giving a wrong figure on bumi equity. He however failed to justify his claims and accusations.
You have Khairy Jamaluddin who shamelessly admitted that Umno is a racial party that fights for the Malays only. He even (on behalf of MCA and MIC) claimed that both parties were also racial parties like Umno, fighting only for the Chinese and Indian communities respectively. He continued to claim that Malays in Penang were being marginalized and challenged Khor Tsu Koon to prove him wrong.
An Umno Youth delegate from Selangor chided MIC president S Samy Vellu, Gerakan deputy president Dr Koh Tsu Koon and MCA vice-president Ong Tee Kiat for behaving rudely ( kurang ajar) towards Umno president Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
Is there anyone out there believe that Samy, Tsu Koon and Tee Kiat have the backbones to defend themselves by asking the Umno Youth delegate to retract his disrespectful remark?
Even the so-called Mr Nice Guy is now playing tough, warning people not to test his patience. So, would he launch a crackdown on the opposition? Even Dr Mahathir is not safe now that Abdullah has openly said it for the first time that he would not be a one-termed Prime Minister. Interestingly, Abdullah said this at the time when Najib's special aide was arrested and implicated in the gruesome death of a Mongolian beauty. So, even Najib is in for a trouble.
Many non-Malays friends have told me that they have made up their mind not to vote for Umno and other Barisan Nasional candidates anymore in the coming general elections, which may be called as early as May 2007.
"Since Umno has become so arrogant nowadays, and they talk as if they were not bothered about getting the non-Malay votes, why should we vote for them?"
This comment came from a long-time supporter of Barisan Nasional. " We Malaysians must really teach these 'rascals' and 'bast____" a lesson in the coming general elections." He added. How about you, my fellow Malaysians?
Ronnie Liu Tian Khiew,
DAP CEC member and NGO bureau chief
"They are talking nonsense all the times. Nothing sensible and rational could come out from their "bloody" big mouths!" said Mr X.
"Is fanning racial sentiments the only way to maintain support in their own party? If that's the case, what kind of political party Umno is?" asked Mr Y.
"Umno is FOS- full of shit!" was the comment of hawker Mr Z.
You see, the people (especially the non-Malays) are now very disappointed and frustrated with the Umno leadership. Can you blame them for saying all sorts of things about both Umno and Umno Youth leaders?
I could understand their sentiments and feelings. They were very hurt and upset by the antics of these hypocritical political leaders.
You have Ghani Othman who said no to Bangsa Malaysia (mooted by Dr Mahathir in the Vision 2020 project) and insisted on Malay Supremacy ( Ketuanan Melayu).
You have Najib Tun Razak who declared that the Malay Agenda and NEP will go on forever (no time limit) because "Malays were being oppressed by the Dutch, Portugese and English for more than 400 years". He also warned Singapore's Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew not to raise the marginalization of the non-Malays in this country again. Judging from his past records and present behaviour, no one should harbor any hope that Najib will become a Prime Minister of all Malaysians.
You have Hishamuddin Hussein who's good at playing racial card and at the same time good at accusing others (including his partners in the ruling coalition Barisan Nasional) for playing the racial card to gain support from their respective communities. He even spoke from the podium in front of which a keris was placed. What was he trying to prove? Last year, Hishammuddin had brandished a keris during the general assembly and had called on Malays to rally behind Ketuanan Melayu (Malay supremacy). He said issues related to Islam should be raised through the syariah courts and not the civil courts, and he also urged the government to reject the setting up of an inter-faith commission as advocates have proposed. He also warned the Article 11 coalition not to talk about freedom of religion besides accusing Asli for giving a wrong figure on bumi equity. He however failed to justify his claims and accusations.
You have Khairy Jamaluddin who shamelessly admitted that Umno is a racial party that fights for the Malays only. He even (on behalf of MCA and MIC) claimed that both parties were also racial parties like Umno, fighting only for the Chinese and Indian communities respectively. He continued to claim that Malays in Penang were being marginalized and challenged Khor Tsu Koon to prove him wrong.
An Umno Youth delegate from Selangor chided MIC president S Samy Vellu, Gerakan deputy president Dr Koh Tsu Koon and MCA vice-president Ong Tee Kiat for behaving rudely ( kurang ajar) towards Umno president Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
Is there anyone out there believe that Samy, Tsu Koon and Tee Kiat have the backbones to defend themselves by asking the Umno Youth delegate to retract his disrespectful remark?
Even the so-called Mr Nice Guy is now playing tough, warning people not to test his patience. So, would he launch a crackdown on the opposition? Even Dr Mahathir is not safe now that Abdullah has openly said it for the first time that he would not be a one-termed Prime Minister. Interestingly, Abdullah said this at the time when Najib's special aide was arrested and implicated in the gruesome death of a Mongolian beauty. So, even Najib is in for a trouble.
Many non-Malays friends have told me that they have made up their mind not to vote for Umno and other Barisan Nasional candidates anymore in the coming general elections, which may be called as early as May 2007.
"Since Umno has become so arrogant nowadays, and they talk as if they were not bothered about getting the non-Malay votes, why should we vote for them?"
This comment came from a long-time supporter of Barisan Nasional. " We Malaysians must really teach these 'rascals' and 'bast____" a lesson in the coming general elections." He added. How about you, my fellow Malaysians?
Ronnie Liu Tian Khiew,
DAP CEC member and NGO bureau chief
Racist statements very hurting
I wish to put on record the many racial statements made by Umno delegates which to me should be considered seditious and be investigated by the police. But we all know that this will not be the reality in Malaysia.
However, it is good for all Malaysians to remember these statements when the next general elections comes around. It is good that we remember all the racial statements made by the main component party in the BN government. The following are excerpts taken from news reports in malaysiakini:
“Why should Malays and Umno be passive and defensive? It’s time to raise our voices and defend the Malays and Islam.”
“Umno is willing to risk lives and bathe in blood in defence of race and religion. Don’t play with fire. If they mess with our rights, we will mess with theirs.”
According to Hasnoor Sidang Husin, the Malays had been passive for far too long and had tolerated attempts by certain non-Muslim groups to dispute the rights of the Malays and tarnish Islam's image.
“Since the tragic racial riots in 1969, Umno and the Malays have been too patient and tolerant,” he said. ‘Please don't test the Malays; they know 'amok'. We don't want to reach that level. In the present situation, the Malays can still take it but efforts to enhance the Malays' economy need to be intensified.
“The Malays' sacrifices, he said, must be paid back with sacrifices of the same magnitude by the non-Malays, particularly in questions involving the economy.
“Don't let it reach a situation where the Malays start questioning 'with the sacrifices we have made, what have we got?”
The above statements here are very hurting, very divisive and very arrogant. Since there was no censure or censorship by the Umno leaders or other BN component parties, we take it to be the philosophy, platform and manifesto of the BN government.
There was no further explanation by the delegates and no apology forthcoming. This is, therefore, a true reflection of the leaders of our country. Let the people not be fooled when the next general elections rolls around. Do we want racist and bigots to be leaders of our nation? We have to choose carefully.
Source
Malaysiakini
However, it is good for all Malaysians to remember these statements when the next general elections comes around. It is good that we remember all the racial statements made by the main component party in the BN government. The following are excerpts taken from news reports in malaysiakini:
“Why should Malays and Umno be passive and defensive? It’s time to raise our voices and defend the Malays and Islam.”
“Umno is willing to risk lives and bathe in blood in defence of race and religion. Don’t play with fire. If they mess with our rights, we will mess with theirs.”
According to Hasnoor Sidang Husin, the Malays had been passive for far too long and had tolerated attempts by certain non-Muslim groups to dispute the rights of the Malays and tarnish Islam's image.
“Since the tragic racial riots in 1969, Umno and the Malays have been too patient and tolerant,” he said. ‘Please don't test the Malays; they know 'amok'. We don't want to reach that level. In the present situation, the Malays can still take it but efforts to enhance the Malays' economy need to be intensified.
“The Malays' sacrifices, he said, must be paid back with sacrifices of the same magnitude by the non-Malays, particularly in questions involving the economy.
“Don't let it reach a situation where the Malays start questioning 'with the sacrifices we have made, what have we got?”
The above statements here are very hurting, very divisive and very arrogant. Since there was no censure or censorship by the Umno leaders or other BN component parties, we take it to be the philosophy, platform and manifesto of the BN government.
There was no further explanation by the delegates and no apology forthcoming. This is, therefore, a true reflection of the leaders of our country. Let the people not be fooled when the next general elections rolls around. Do we want racist and bigots to be leaders of our nation? We have to choose carefully.
Source
Malaysiakini
Non-Malays have quietly suffered
As more and more of the delegates in the Umno general assembly spoke, it started to become very clear. The MCA Youth leader’s statement that even the opposition has not been as poisonous with their words compared to the racist remarks spewed by the Umno delegates, sums it all. The noticeable difference was in the Wanita and Puteri Wings, both focusing their attention on more relevant issues, displaying a characteristic level of maturity sorely lacking in the men.
I was sad and angry. To put it more crudely, I was devastated. Could this be a beginning of the drowning of moderate voices in the non-Malay camp? While we have to brush aside extremist views and build an accommodating approach, the insanity that prevailed at the general assembly had certainly erased any hope of seeing eye-to-eye and as the PM said, we have reached a dangerous point in the history of the nation.
What it looked like is not so much the concerns of the non-Malays in prolonging the NEP unjustifiably but the jealous attitude of Umno politicians to safeguard their spoils.
The issue of NEP has never been short of controversies. Excuses have started surfacing and further extensions have been imposed to allow the bumiputeras to reach the target of a 30% share equity. Suspicion that something was amiss was reinforced with two reports emerging to debunk the claim that the bumi equity share had stagnated at 18.9%. It had actually surpassed the target.
The various scenes played out at the Umno general assembly at least confirmed that the non-Malays have been duped for a very long time. The delegates did not show a shred of evidence that the government’s figure of 21.8 percent for the bumi equity share in Bursa Malaysia is right. To the contrary, their sarcasm and racial overtones seemed to mean ‘Yes, we have achieved it, so what?’
Even more arrogant was Khairy Jamalludin’s remarks in saying the bumi equity share should be raised to 70 percent and dared the non-Malays to question it. And this coming from the son-in-law of the prime minister.
Times have changed. We have walked the path of modernity and education. Matters have to be argued and rationalised and what more, justified. Lest, the Umno Malays forget, it was the non-Malays who have been staunchly supportive of them in all elections when their Malay brethren abandoned them and supported PAS.
So antagonising and bad-mouthing the non-Malays will not help. The non-Malays are hurt and have become resentful. This is a sad reality and their leaders are either seen as traitors or at least unable to stop the decay. It is common talk that the next election is going to be a decider of sorts. The more sabre-rattling the Malays do, the more they are going to drive us to the opposition. Dare us openly to go to the opposition if you don’t need our votes. At least, we can the be sure that we are not wanted by BN.
Please don't underestimate our resolve. Talk less of your frustrations and see how much of anguish and frustrations we have had put up with. This nation did not thrive on the patience and understanding of the Malays alone. We non-Malays, too, have been accommodating and have quietly suffered over the years. It is becoming more and more obvious that we have been taken for granted for far too long and suppressed by uncalled for threats.
Source
Malaysiakini
I was sad and angry. To put it more crudely, I was devastated. Could this be a beginning of the drowning of moderate voices in the non-Malay camp? While we have to brush aside extremist views and build an accommodating approach, the insanity that prevailed at the general assembly had certainly erased any hope of seeing eye-to-eye and as the PM said, we have reached a dangerous point in the history of the nation.
What it looked like is not so much the concerns of the non-Malays in prolonging the NEP unjustifiably but the jealous attitude of Umno politicians to safeguard their spoils.
The issue of NEP has never been short of controversies. Excuses have started surfacing and further extensions have been imposed to allow the bumiputeras to reach the target of a 30% share equity. Suspicion that something was amiss was reinforced with two reports emerging to debunk the claim that the bumi equity share had stagnated at 18.9%. It had actually surpassed the target.
The various scenes played out at the Umno general assembly at least confirmed that the non-Malays have been duped for a very long time. The delegates did not show a shred of evidence that the government’s figure of 21.8 percent for the bumi equity share in Bursa Malaysia is right. To the contrary, their sarcasm and racial overtones seemed to mean ‘Yes, we have achieved it, so what?’
Even more arrogant was Khairy Jamalludin’s remarks in saying the bumi equity share should be raised to 70 percent and dared the non-Malays to question it. And this coming from the son-in-law of the prime minister.
Times have changed. We have walked the path of modernity and education. Matters have to be argued and rationalised and what more, justified. Lest, the Umno Malays forget, it was the non-Malays who have been staunchly supportive of them in all elections when their Malay brethren abandoned them and supported PAS.
So antagonising and bad-mouthing the non-Malays will not help. The non-Malays are hurt and have become resentful. This is a sad reality and their leaders are either seen as traitors or at least unable to stop the decay. It is common talk that the next election is going to be a decider of sorts. The more sabre-rattling the Malays do, the more they are going to drive us to the opposition. Dare us openly to go to the opposition if you don’t need our votes. At least, we can the be sure that we are not wanted by BN.
Please don't underestimate our resolve. Talk less of your frustrations and see how much of anguish and frustrations we have had put up with. This nation did not thrive on the patience and understanding of the Malays alone. We non-Malays, too, have been accommodating and have quietly suffered over the years. It is becoming more and more obvious that we have been taken for granted for far too long and suppressed by uncalled for threats.
Source
Malaysiakini
Malaysian Chinese Pose Major Poll Test For PM
Under Malaysia's "social contract" hammered out by the nation's founding fathers, the majority Malays will have an unchallenged hold over politics in return for non-interference in Chinese domination of the economy. Today, ethnic Chinese are starting to wonder whether they have been shortchanged and are likely to put the long-standing deal to test in general elections expected next month amid growing fissures over race and religion.
Chinese businessmen in Penang, Malaysia's only state where Chinese form a majority, complain that government-linked companies (GLCs), almost all run by Malays, shut their doors to non-Malay businesses. "We cannot do business with GLCs because they favour those with Malay partners," said Khor Teng Tong, president of the 103-year-old Penang Chinese Chamber of Commerce. He said Penang Chinese businessmen, worried about rising costs and a slowing economy, could snub Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's ruling coalition in the polls. "In the past, support for the government was around 55-60 percent. This time, 45 percent is already considered good," he said. "So the government must work harder."
Malaysia is heading into one of its most racially charged election campaigns for many years, with ethnic Indians also complaining of unfair treatment at the hands of the government dominated by Malays.
GERRYMANDERING
Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak told Reuters last week racial tensions could contribute to a "slight dip" in support for the coalition, which is considered certain to return to power but with a reduced majority. Malaysia's worst race riots, in 1969, killed hundreds of people in the capital and led to the introduction of an affirmative action policy favouring Malays in education, jobs and business. No one is predicting riots this time around, but an emboldened Chinese opposition could force the government to soften its pro-Malay stance, analysts said.
Many of the grouses are about the pro-Malay New Economic Policy (NEP), which critics say has benefited state firms and a few well-connected Malay businessmen. The NEP has to a certain extent discouraged foreign investors. Even free-trade talks with the United States have stalled after Kuala Lumpur insisted that Malay firms continued to be given special access to government procurements.
Malays and other "native sons", who make up around 60 percent of the population, provide the main political support for Abdullah's United Malays National Organisation party (UMNO). UMNO is the bulwark of the 14-party coalition, which has ruled the nation since Independence in 1957. In fact, UMNO, which currently has 110 seats in the 219-seat Parliament, can form the government on its own.
Chinese account for a quarter of the 26 million population and Indians 7 percent. Ruling-party politicians expect the opposition to make greater inroads in Penang as well in other major cities. "In my view and from my feedback, this will be an anti-Barisan wind," said Chia Kwang Chye, Secretary-General of Parti Gerakan, which is part of the ruling coalition.
The main beneficiary will be the Chinese-based opposition party, the Democratic Action Party, which saw its heyday in 1986 and 1990 polls by riding on a wave of Chinese discontent then. "Penang will lead in the protest vote," Penang DAP chief Chow Kon Yeow said, adding that it hoped to win 7 out of 13 Penang parliamentary seats in the coming elections, up from four now. "The only saving grace for Barisan is the opposition alliance is not able to get their act together," said Toh Kin Woon, a veteran Gerakan lawmaker.
Rights groups say Malaysia's elections have been marked by vote buying, the use of public funds by the ruling parties, gerrymandering and control over mainstream media. The Election Commission has also been accused of bias, which it denies. But the government has lately been wooing back Chinese support by dishing out an array of pre-election goodies. These include grants to build Chinese schools, land titles for farmers and cutting government red tape. (Reuters India)
***** The above report may give the impression that the Chinese are ready to act. Many will doubt that though. There is this tendency to be extra cautious when it comes to deserting the MCA and Gerakan and standing up on the side of the opposition.
The older among the Chinese electorate may not wish to rock the boat and may be willing to accept ruling party assurances that things will be better next time around. Feeling resentment, anger, disappointment and bitterness is not enough. Translating those emotions into a 'loyalty shift' is the tricky part. And are the Chinese really up to it? Or will they as usual chicken out at the last minute, preferring to keep what little they have rather than 'gamble' on the future?
Sources
Malaysian alternative voices
Chinese businessmen in Penang, Malaysia's only state where Chinese form a majority, complain that government-linked companies (GLCs), almost all run by Malays, shut their doors to non-Malay businesses. "We cannot do business with GLCs because they favour those with Malay partners," said Khor Teng Tong, president of the 103-year-old Penang Chinese Chamber of Commerce. He said Penang Chinese businessmen, worried about rising costs and a slowing economy, could snub Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's ruling coalition in the polls. "In the past, support for the government was around 55-60 percent. This time, 45 percent is already considered good," he said. "So the government must work harder."
Malaysia is heading into one of its most racially charged election campaigns for many years, with ethnic Indians also complaining of unfair treatment at the hands of the government dominated by Malays.
GERRYMANDERING
Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak told Reuters last week racial tensions could contribute to a "slight dip" in support for the coalition, which is considered certain to return to power but with a reduced majority. Malaysia's worst race riots, in 1969, killed hundreds of people in the capital and led to the introduction of an affirmative action policy favouring Malays in education, jobs and business. No one is predicting riots this time around, but an emboldened Chinese opposition could force the government to soften its pro-Malay stance, analysts said.
Many of the grouses are about the pro-Malay New Economic Policy (NEP), which critics say has benefited state firms and a few well-connected Malay businessmen. The NEP has to a certain extent discouraged foreign investors. Even free-trade talks with the United States have stalled after Kuala Lumpur insisted that Malay firms continued to be given special access to government procurements.
Malays and other "native sons", who make up around 60 percent of the population, provide the main political support for Abdullah's United Malays National Organisation party (UMNO). UMNO is the bulwark of the 14-party coalition, which has ruled the nation since Independence in 1957. In fact, UMNO, which currently has 110 seats in the 219-seat Parliament, can form the government on its own.
Chinese account for a quarter of the 26 million population and Indians 7 percent. Ruling-party politicians expect the opposition to make greater inroads in Penang as well in other major cities. "In my view and from my feedback, this will be an anti-Barisan wind," said Chia Kwang Chye, Secretary-General of Parti Gerakan, which is part of the ruling coalition.
The main beneficiary will be the Chinese-based opposition party, the Democratic Action Party, which saw its heyday in 1986 and 1990 polls by riding on a wave of Chinese discontent then. "Penang will lead in the protest vote," Penang DAP chief Chow Kon Yeow said, adding that it hoped to win 7 out of 13 Penang parliamentary seats in the coming elections, up from four now. "The only saving grace for Barisan is the opposition alliance is not able to get their act together," said Toh Kin Woon, a veteran Gerakan lawmaker.
Rights groups say Malaysia's elections have been marked by vote buying, the use of public funds by the ruling parties, gerrymandering and control over mainstream media. The Election Commission has also been accused of bias, which it denies. But the government has lately been wooing back Chinese support by dishing out an array of pre-election goodies. These include grants to build Chinese schools, land titles for farmers and cutting government red tape. (Reuters India)
***** The above report may give the impression that the Chinese are ready to act. Many will doubt that though. There is this tendency to be extra cautious when it comes to deserting the MCA and Gerakan and standing up on the side of the opposition.
The older among the Chinese electorate may not wish to rock the boat and may be willing to accept ruling party assurances that things will be better next time around. Feeling resentment, anger, disappointment and bitterness is not enough. Translating those emotions into a 'loyalty shift' is the tricky part. And are the Chinese really up to it? Or will they as usual chicken out at the last minute, preferring to keep what little they have rather than 'gamble' on the future?
Sources
Malaysian alternative voices
Transparency International-Malaysia (TI-M) Calls for Transparency in Toll Concession Agreements
Tan Sri (Dr) Ramon V. Navaratnam, President Transparency International –
MalaysiaTI-M is disappointed by statement of the Works Minister, Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu that the toll concessionaire agreements are classified secrets.
TI-M is also gravely concerned that the Government has decided not to make these agreements public.
The classification of such information as “official secrets” seems to go counter to principles of transparency, accountability and good governance. These concessions pertain to issues that are of vital public interests with direct impacts on the use of public funds and taxpayers’ and consumers’ interests.
TI calls upon the Government to explain why such information is considered “official secret” and the legal and moral grounds that justifies and sanctions such a decision.
In the interests of transparency, good governance and accountability, TI Malaysia calls upon the Government to urgently review the matter and consider releasing important documents such as these to public scrutiny and evaluation.
The Government must be committed to promote transparency and accountability in our public procurement system and these include privatization and concessionaire agreements. The commitment must be practised across the board, without exception.
TI-M calls upon Government to “walk the talk” and ensure transparency, accountability and good governance in all aspects of public policy especially where it pertains to public procurement, privatization and concessionaire agreements.
Source:
Malaysia alternative voices
MalaysiaTI-M is disappointed by statement of the Works Minister, Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu that the toll concessionaire agreements are classified secrets.
TI-M is also gravely concerned that the Government has decided not to make these agreements public.
The classification of such information as “official secrets” seems to go counter to principles of transparency, accountability and good governance. These concessions pertain to issues that are of vital public interests with direct impacts on the use of public funds and taxpayers’ and consumers’ interests.
TI calls upon the Government to explain why such information is considered “official secret” and the legal and moral grounds that justifies and sanctions such a decision.
In the interests of transparency, good governance and accountability, TI Malaysia calls upon the Government to urgently review the matter and consider releasing important documents such as these to public scrutiny and evaluation.
The Government must be committed to promote transparency and accountability in our public procurement system and these include privatization and concessionaire agreements. The commitment must be practised across the board, without exception.
TI-M calls upon Government to “walk the talk” and ensure transparency, accountability and good governance in all aspects of public policy especially where it pertains to public procurement, privatization and concessionaire agreements.
Source:
Malaysia alternative voices
INDIAN DISCONTENT FUELS MALAYSIA'S RISING TENSIONS.

Monday, February 11, 2008
By THOMAS FULLER
Published: February 10, 2008
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia — Malaysian Indian Casket, a shop on the outskirts of this modern and cosmopolitan city, sells coffins in all sizes: standard coffins clutter the entrance, child-size boxes are stacked high on the shelves and extra-large models, those for the tallest of the deceased, are stored in the back.
Malaysia’s population is mainly Malay, Chinese and Indian.
But there is no variety in the ethnic background of the clientele.
“All the customers are Indian,” said Aru Maniam, a shop salesman.
In death as in life, Malaysians are divided by ethnicity. The country’s main ethnic groups — Malays, Chinese and Indians — have their own political parties, schools, newspapers and, in the case of Malays, a separate Islamic legal system.
For years this segregation was promoted as the best formula for social harmony in a country that advertises itself as “Truly Asia” because of its diversity, but where the memory of ethnic riots in 1969 is invoked as proof of the fragility of cross-cultural relations. Nearly 200 people died in that spasm of violence.
Now, ethnic tensions are again rising, driven in large part by dissatisfaction among the country’s Indians, who have mainly lost out in the long battle of all three ethnic groups over power, privilege and religion.
In November, Indians — who make up less than 10 percent of Malaysia’s population of about 25 million — led a protest march through this city in the first large ethnically motivated street demonstration since 1969. They announced a mainly symbolic $4 trillion class-action lawsuit against the British government, the country’s former colonial ruler, for bringing them as indentured laborers to the region, “exploiting them for 150 years,” then allowing them to be marginalized in postcolonial Malaysia.
The police dispersed the 20,000 demonstrators with water cannons and tear gas and are still holding five representatives of the Hindu Rights Action Force, the umbrella group that led the protest.
Although the lawsuit focuses on historic grievances, Indians’ complaints are anchored in present-day struggles, mainly with the majority Malays. Malays retain a stranglehold on government jobs, and therefore government policies tend to favor them.
Some Indians in Malaysia are very rich, but a majority have not been able to move up from the lowest rungs of society. The children and grandchildren of rubber tappers, they remain poor, poorly educated and overrepresented in menial jobs.
“This is a country that is in search of soul, in search of a common mission,” said Charles Santiago, coordinator of the Group of Concerned Citizens, an organization that seeks solutions to ethnic strife in Malaysia.
Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who is Malay and Muslim, sought recently to woo back the country’s Indians by declaring the Hindu festival of Thaipusam, which was celebrated Jan. 23, a federal holiday. And a court decision in a highly emotional dispute over whether an Indian man should be buried according to Hindu or Muslim rites — he is said to have converted to Islam — has been postponed indefinitely.
But analysts say race relations could become more tense as the country prepares for elections, which are widely expected to be called for March. Chinese and Indian voters have lost faith in the ability of the governing multiracial coalition to equalize opportunities, polls show, and they are shifting their support to the opposition.
“It will be a racialized campaign, there’s no question,” said Bridget Welsh, a specialist in Malaysian politics at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies in Washington.
An opinion poll made public late last month by the Merdeka Center, an independent polling institute in Malaysia, showed that 38 percent of Indians and 42 percent of Chinese said they strongly or somewhat approved of Mr. Abdullah’s job performance, by far the lowest ratings he has received from those groups during his five years as prime minister. Together Chinese and Indians constitute about 35 percent of the population.
Those figures are contributing to an overall plunge in his approval ratings. The poll, which surveyed more than 1,000 randomly selected voters and had a margin of error of 3.1 percentage points, showed his approval rating at 61 percent, down from 91 percent when he came to power.
One reason for the dissatisfaction: almost two-thirds of respondents said they were not happy with the way the government was handling issues of ethnicity and inequality.
“Indian support for the government is the worst it’s ever been in the country’s history,” Ms. Welsh said. “It’s profound. Indians have traditionally supported the government the highest.”
With Chinese voters also angry at the government — mainly over its handling of the economy — Ms. Welsh says the government risks losing political control of the state of Penang, where ethnic Chinese form a plurality, as well as a handful of parliamentary seats scattered across the country. The coalition of Malay, Chinese and Indian parties known as the National Front, which has governed the country since independence from Britain in 1957, is at little risk of losing its majority.
Chinese Malaysians, who form the core of the merchant class, are angry about quotas that keep many of them out of local universities and about the government’s preference for hiring Malay companies, among other issues.
Malaysia’s ethnic tensions were born during the 19th and early 20th centuries, when Chinese and Indian workers came to what was then called Malaya and helped drive the colonial economy of tin and rubber. But this influx created resentment among Malays, who lost control of the economy to British plantation owners and Chinese businesses. The Malay sultans later struck a deal with the British: Malays would retain political supremacy in Malaysia after independence in exchange for citizenship for the Chinese and Indians.
Underpinning the anger of the latest generation of Chinese and Indians is an affirmative action program in place for 37 years that favors Malays and other indigenous ethnic groups, collectively known as bumiputra, literally “sons of the soil.” The program was devised to increase the share of bumiputra ownership of the economy, which in the 1970s was in the single digits.
Today, bumiputra make up 60 percent of the population but have 87 percent of government jobs. They receive discounts of 5 to 10 percent on new homes and are allotted 30 percent of stock shares in initial public offerings. Newspapers are filled with notices of government construction contracts exclusively reserved for companies controlled by bumiputra.
“It’s completely unacceptable that you cannot get awarded a contract just because of the color of your skin,” said Lim Guan Eng, an ethnic Chinese Malaysian who is secretary general of the Democratic Action Party, the leading opposition party in Parliament. “That grates tremendously. We are treated as though we are third- or fourth-class citizens.”
Beyond economic discrimination, Malaysians are increasingly divided by religion, with rising assertiveness by Muslim, Christian, Hindu and Buddhist groups. Islamic authorities have ruled that Malays, who are defined as Muslims in the country’s Constitution, may not leave the faith without undergoing lengthy counseling. Christians complain that the Malay-dominated government frequently denies permits to build churches. Hindus and Buddhists decry demolitions of temples. And Malaysian courts have heard more than a dozen cases of disputed religious conversions.
Indians were infuriated by the highly publicized case of a soldier, Maniam Moorthy, who died in 2005 and whose body was claimed by the Islamic authorities for Muslim burial.
The authorities contended that Mr. Moorthy, who was born a Hindu, converted to Islam months before his death, an assertion that his family denies. His wife, Kaliammal Sinnasamy, sued in a civil court to obtain his body, but the court ruled that it had no jurisdiction because the matter had already been decided in an Islamic court.
Although the courts have postponed a ruling on Ms. Kaliammal’s appeal, the case has become a cause célèbre.
“You can push us, you can cheat us, you can discriminate against us,” said Mr. Santiago, who is of Indian heritage, “but you can’t tell us that we’re not Hindus after we are dead.”
Makkal Sakti

Malaysia
Date : 16th February 2008 (Saturday)
Venue : Parliament House Kuala Lumpur
Address: Jalan Parlimen, 50680, Kuala Lumpur
Time : 11.00 am
London
Date : 16th February 2008
Venue: High Commission of Malaysia, London
Address: Malaysian High Commission 45-46 Belgrave Square London
Time: 10am
Los Angeles USA
Date: February 16, 2008
Venue: In front of Consulate General of Malaysia, Los Angeles
Address: 550 South Hope Street, Suite 400, Los Angeles, CA 90071)
Time: 10am - 2pm
New York USA
Date : 16th February 2008 (Saturday)
Venue : Malaysian Consulate General of New York
Address: -313 East, 43rd Street, NY, NY 10017 Nearest Subway – Grand Central Time : 11.00 am - 1pm
Press Release on 16th February event
HINDRAF
135-3 JALAN TOMAN 7
KEMAYAN SQUARE 70200
SEREMBAN
Tan Sri Musa bin Hassan
Inspector General of Police
Royal Police Force Malaysia
Bukit Aman
Kuala Lumpur
Malaysia
11 February 2008
Dear Sirs,
Re: HANDING OF ROSES TO PRIME MINISTER ON 16 FEBRUARY 2008
We refer to the above matter wherein an application for police permit to hold the above event was made by Mr S Manickavasagam.
This is a peaceful gathering exercise under Article 10 of the Federal Constitution and Article 20 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948.
The above event would be led by a 5 year old Vwaishhnnavi Waytha Moorthy who would be handing over the first red and yellow roses to the Honourable Prime Minister.
We wish to raise our concern on the safety of the children and in this regard we would like to have an urgent meeting with yourself or your representatives so that matters of safety, public order and traffic control could be discussed further.
We wish to reiterate that we would do all within our means to co-operate and ensure that the event is smoothly conducted and concluded within 2 hours.
International observers from the United Nations and NGOs have been invited to witness this event.
Our Mr Manickam could be reached on 016 265 9511
Yours in Service
P.Waytha Moorthy
Chairman currently in London
135-3 JALAN TOMAN 7
KEMAYAN SQUARE 70200
SEREMBAN
Tan Sri Musa bin Hassan
Inspector General of Police
Royal Police Force Malaysia
Bukit Aman
Kuala Lumpur
Malaysia
11 February 2008
Dear Sirs,
Re: HANDING OF ROSES TO PRIME MINISTER ON 16 FEBRUARY 2008
We refer to the above matter wherein an application for police permit to hold the above event was made by Mr S Manickavasagam.
This is a peaceful gathering exercise under Article 10 of the Federal Constitution and Article 20 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948.
The above event would be led by a 5 year old Vwaishhnnavi Waytha Moorthy who would be handing over the first red and yellow roses to the Honourable Prime Minister.
We wish to raise our concern on the safety of the children and in this regard we would like to have an urgent meeting with yourself or your representatives so that matters of safety, public order and traffic control could be discussed further.
We wish to reiterate that we would do all within our means to co-operate and ensure that the event is smoothly conducted and concluded within 2 hours.
International observers from the United Nations and NGOs have been invited to witness this event.
Our Mr Manickam could be reached on 016 265 9511
Yours in Service
P.Waytha Moorthy
Chairman currently in London
PR- Peaceful gathering in NY on 16th Feb 2008
Press Release
RE: Malaysian peaceful rally on February 16, 2008 in New York to release HINDRAF 5 in Malaysia.
Venue : Malaysian Consulate General of New York
313 East, 43rd Street, NY, NY 10017
Nearest Subway – Grand Central, New York
Time : 11.00am – 1.00pm
History
Since November 2007, there has been numerous rallies by various segment of the society in Malaysia through non-violent activities ie BERSIH rally on November 10, 2007, (Electoral reform), HINDRAF rally on November 25, 2007 (minority right issues), International Human Right rally on December 10, 2007 (universal human right issue) and the latest pricing hike protest (public interest) on January 26, 2008 to show the will of the people but have faced severe backlash by way of intimidation, fear and arrest attributed by the totalirism of the ruling administration under the guise of democracy.
All the above had been well documented in all international media.
Current issue
Now, on February 16, 2008, HINDRAF is planning in a non violent way by handing over roses and peacefully requesting the Prime Minister of Malaysia to release five (5) detainees of the HINDRAF (under ISA – without trial or charge) who had voiced their concern in the ever deteriorating state of the Indian minority in Malaysia and in a broader sense to provide equal platform for all Malaysians for the enhancement of the society.
In support of this, Malaysians in New York are holding a peaceful rally to show their support for the common cause of upholding human and civil liberty issues that is lacking in Malaysia and seek the release of the HINDRAF 5.
Objective
In order for it to be effective to bring any changes or international pressure, it is always vital that that all Malaysian irrespective of creed, color, race and religion play a role around the world to show solidarity for the common cause of Malaysia.
The true civilization is where every man gives to every other every right that he claims for himself - Robert G. Ingersoll
Those interested to participate in New York can contact Ravi Shan at MalaysianinNewYork@gmail.com or 1(917) 443 1250
RE: Malaysian peaceful rally on February 16, 2008 in New York to release HINDRAF 5 in Malaysia.
Venue : Malaysian Consulate General of New York
313 East, 43rd Street, NY, NY 10017
Nearest Subway – Grand Central, New York
Time : 11.00am – 1.00pm
History
Since November 2007, there has been numerous rallies by various segment of the society in Malaysia through non-violent activities ie BERSIH rally on November 10, 2007, (Electoral reform), HINDRAF rally on November 25, 2007 (minority right issues), International Human Right rally on December 10, 2007 (universal human right issue) and the latest pricing hike protest (public interest) on January 26, 2008 to show the will of the people but have faced severe backlash by way of intimidation, fear and arrest attributed by the totalirism of the ruling administration under the guise of democracy.
All the above had been well documented in all international media.
Current issue
Now, on February 16, 2008, HINDRAF is planning in a non violent way by handing over roses and peacefully requesting the Prime Minister of Malaysia to release five (5) detainees of the HINDRAF (under ISA – without trial or charge) who had voiced their concern in the ever deteriorating state of the Indian minority in Malaysia and in a broader sense to provide equal platform for all Malaysians for the enhancement of the society.
In support of this, Malaysians in New York are holding a peaceful rally to show their support for the common cause of upholding human and civil liberty issues that is lacking in Malaysia and seek the release of the HINDRAF 5.
Objective
In order for it to be effective to bring any changes or international pressure, it is always vital that that all Malaysian irrespective of creed, color, race and religion play a role around the world to show solidarity for the common cause of Malaysia.
The true civilization is where every man gives to every other every right that he claims for himself - Robert G. Ingersoll
Those interested to participate in New York can contact Ravi Shan at MalaysianinNewYork@gmail.com or 1(917) 443 1250
LA Roses Rally Press release on Hindu American Foundation website

Hindu American Foundation - Malaysia Protest Summary linked at the side bar
Press Release by HAF - 9th Feb 2008
Rally Opposing Ethnic "Apartheid" in Malaysia Gains Support of Hindu American Foundation.
Fremont, CA (Feb 9, 2008) - The Hindu American Foundation (HAF), a U.S. based human rights group, threw its support behind a rally planned to take place in front of the Malaysian Consulate in Los Angeles, California on Saturday, February 16, 2008. The rally, organized by American Hindus with familial ties to Malaysia, is to support human rights in Malaysia.
The organizers are calling for an end to the apartheid policies of the Malaysian government that favor ethnic Malay Muslims over other ethnic groups. The rally will focus attention on five leaders of the Hindu Rights Action Force (HINDRAF) that have been jailed under emergency laws considered draconian by most human rights observers. The five were jailed after they led a non-violent protest in the nation's capital in late November. HAF had been in touch with some of these leaders prior to their arrest, but they have been prevented from communicating with supporters since their incarceration.
“Current Malaysian policies effectively discriminate against Malaysians Hindus of Indian ethnicity, who are the poorest ethnic group in Malaysia--we want equality and dignity!" said Bhuvan Govindasamy, the main organizer of this rally. “Malaysian Hindus have been opposing the insidious violation of their rights for many years now, but the latest spate of Hindu temple demolition by the government, and the arrest of the five HINDRAF leaders are only the latest miscarriages of justice.”
The Hindu American Foundation launched a recent campaign to support the Hindu protests in Kuala Lumpur, the Malaysian capital, and previously released several statements calling for an end to the destruction of Hindu temples and for the protection of human rights of Malaysian Hindus. The foundation's most recent annual human rights report entitled, "Hindus in South Asia and the Diaspora: A Survey of Human Rights 2006," devoted an entire section highlighting violations of human rights of Malaysian Hindus.
"The jailing of the 'HINDRAF five' without any charge or hearing using extra-constitutional powers is not something we expect in a civilized country, and our concerns as to their treatment is growing as reports of their solitary confinement, psychological abuse and failing health trickle out," said Mihir Meghani, M.D., President of HAF. "The Malaysian government must understand that the world is watching and tepid actions by the government to gloss over the very real issues Malaysian Hindus are facing will not suffice."
The Hindu American Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)(3), non-partisan organization, promoting the Hindu and American ideals of understanding, tolerance and pluralism.
Posted by labisman
Saturday, 09 February 2008
Malaysia Today
INTERNATIONAL RED & YELLOW ROSES CAMPAIGN ON FEB 16, 2008
Malaysia
Date : 16th February 2008 (Saturday)
Venue : Parliament House Kuala Lumpur
Address: Jalan Parlimen, 50680, Kuala Lumpur
Time : 11.00 am
London
Date : 16th February 2008
Venue: High Commission of Malaysia, London
Address: Malaysian High Commission 45-46 Belgrave Square London
Time: 10am
Los Angeles USA
Date: February 16, 2008
Venue: In front of Consulate General of Malaysia, Los Angeles
Address: 550 South Hope Street, Suite 400, Los Angeles, CA 90071)
Time: 10am - 2pm
Date : 16th February 2008 (Saturday)
Venue : Parliament House Kuala Lumpur
Address: Jalan Parlimen, 50680, Kuala Lumpur
Time : 11.00 am
London
Date : 16th February 2008
Venue: High Commission of Malaysia, London
Address: Malaysian High Commission 45-46 Belgrave Square London
Time: 10am
Los Angeles USA
Date: February 16, 2008
Venue: In front of Consulate General of Malaysia, Los Angeles
Address: 550 South Hope Street, Suite 400, Los Angeles, CA 90071)
Time: 10am - 2pm
UN Declaration of Human Rights
Adopted and proclaimed by General Assembly resolution 217 A (III) of 10 December 1948
On December 10, 1948 the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted and proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights the full text of which appears in the following pages. Following this historic act the Assembly called upon all Member countries to publicize the text of the Declaration and “to cause it to be disseminated, displayed, read and expounded principally in schools and other educational institutions, without distinction based on the political status of countries or territories.”
PREAMBLE
Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world,
Whereas disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people,
Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law,
Whereas it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations,
Whereas the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom,
Whereas Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in co-operation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms,
Whereas a common understanding of these rights and freedoms is of the greatest importance for the full realization of this pledge,
Now, Therefore THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY proclaims THIS UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction.
Article 1.
All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.
Article 2.
Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.
Article 3.
Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.
Article 4.
No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.
Article 5.
No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Article 6.
Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law.
Article 7.
All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination.
Article 8.
Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law.
Article 9.
No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.
Article 10.
Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him.
Article 11.
(1) Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence.
2) No one shall be held guilty of any penal offence on account of any act or omission which did not constitute a penal offence, under national or international law, at the time when it was committed. Nor shall a heavier penalty be imposed than the one that was applicable at the time the penal offence was committed.
Article 12.
No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.
Article 13.
(1) Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state.
(2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.
Article 14.
(1) Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution.
(2) This right may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
Article 15.
(1) Everyone has the right to a nationality.
(2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality.
Article 16.
(1) Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution.
(2) Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses.
(3) The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State.
Article 17.
(1) Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others.
(2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property.
Article 18.
Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.
Article 19.
Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.
Article 20.
(1) Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.
(2) No one may be compelled to belong to an association.
Article 21.
(1) Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.
(2) Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country.
(3) The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures.
Article 22.
Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and international co-operation and in accordance with the organization and resources of each State, of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality.
Article 23.
(1) Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment.
(2) Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work.
(3) Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection.
(4) Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests.
Article 24.
Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay.
Article 25.
(1) Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.
(2) Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance. All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection.
Article 26.
(1) Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.
(2) Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace.
(3) Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children.
Article 27.
(1) Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits.
(2) Everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author.
Article 28.
Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized.
Article 29.
(1) Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible.
(2) In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.
(3) These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
Article 30.
Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.
On December 10, 1948 the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted and proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights the full text of which appears in the following pages. Following this historic act the Assembly called upon all Member countries to publicize the text of the Declaration and “to cause it to be disseminated, displayed, read and expounded principally in schools and other educational institutions, without distinction based on the political status of countries or territories.”
PREAMBLE
Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world,
Whereas disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people,
Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law,
Whereas it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations,
Whereas the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom,
Whereas Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in co-operation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms,
Whereas a common understanding of these rights and freedoms is of the greatest importance for the full realization of this pledge,
Now, Therefore THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY proclaims THIS UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction.
Article 1.
All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.
Article 2.
Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.
Article 3.
Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.
Article 4.
No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.
Article 5.
No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Article 6.
Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law.
Article 7.
All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination.
Article 8.
Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law.
Article 9.
No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.
Article 10.
Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him.
Article 11.
(1) Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence.
2) No one shall be held guilty of any penal offence on account of any act or omission which did not constitute a penal offence, under national or international law, at the time when it was committed. Nor shall a heavier penalty be imposed than the one that was applicable at the time the penal offence was committed.
Article 12.
No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.
Article 13.
(1) Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state.
(2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.
Article 14.
(1) Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution.
(2) This right may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
Article 15.
(1) Everyone has the right to a nationality.
(2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality.
Article 16.
(1) Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution.
(2) Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses.
(3) The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State.
Article 17.
(1) Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others.
(2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property.
Article 18.
Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.
Article 19.
Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.
Article 20.
(1) Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.
(2) No one may be compelled to belong to an association.
Article 21.
(1) Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.
(2) Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country.
(3) The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures.
Article 22.
Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and international co-operation and in accordance with the organization and resources of each State, of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality.
Article 23.
(1) Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment.
(2) Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work.
(3) Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection.
(4) Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests.
Article 24.
Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay.
Article 25.
(1) Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.
(2) Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance. All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection.
Article 26.
(1) Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.
(2) Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace.
(3) Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children.
Article 27.
(1) Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits.
(2) Everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author.
Article 28.
Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized.
Article 29.
(1) Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible.
(2) In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.
(3) These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
Article 30.
Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.
Malaysia only country in the world with racial discrimination




The good news is that Malaysian-Indians are no longer waiting for the cows to come home. The bad news is that after sacred cows are corralled, they’re still not easy to slaughter.
Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) chairman P Waytha Moorthy was busy working on the class action suit brought against Britain on behalf of Malaysia’s two million Indians when I spoke to him.
This suit, among other things, will obliquely challenge Article 153 of the Federal Constitution on Malay special rights. “Malaysia is probably the only country in the world with racial discrimination explicitly written into its constitution,” The Economist had once observed.
For the first time ever, this never-ending privilege will be legally contested. But as the lawsuit is filed in London, the challenge is academic. Nonetheless it serves to break a mental barrier on a hitherto taboo subject, says Waytha, the lead lawyer on the suit.
He explains the Reid Commission which oversaw Independence was negligent in not putting a written cap on the duration of special rights, which Malaya founding father Tunku Abdul Rahman had not asked to be instituted forever.
Waytha adds the lawsuit is a chance to break new ground to “undo the wrongs” of the departing British, at least on paper. But it is a start.
While institutionalised racism has done its work to uplift the Malays, the discriminative policies facilitated by Article 153 have shut out Indians from their desired upward mobility. Waytha counts the absence of affirmative action for poor Indians as part of the government neglect which has led to the creation of an Indian underclass.
The suit catalogues a host of longstanding grievances of the Indian community and it is a legitimate list that needs to be looked into in all good faith.
Lagging behind in everything
In melting Malaysia’s curry pot, the Indians are among the worst off. Doubtless they are over-represented in law and medicine. But Indians also predominate as “labourers, industrial manual workers, office boys, road sweepers, beggars and squatters,” lawyer P Uthayakumar told IPS last month when speaking on the suit.
When I was a kid, all the peons in my school were Indian. Today and still, the evidence of our eyes bears out the truth of Uthayakumar’s statement. The Malaysian-Indian’s paucity of economic advancement and prospects – comparatively, they are doing well as professional minorities in Singapore and Western countries – has led to dire social consequences.
According to Police Watch, Indians make up 60 percent of those arrested by police and news reports have quoted government statistics saying 40 percent of convicted criminals are Indians. This is a gross imbalance considering that Indians comprise a mere eight percent of the Malaysian population.
Thus, the setting up of an Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission (IPCMC) has strong backing from Indians who are the main victims of police brutality and custodial deaths. Ranked among the top three issues of concern to the community are crime and gangsterism, a survey by the Merdeka Centre for Opinion Research found in the fourth quarter of 2006.
Indians complain they are continually targeted by police, this bias further exacerbating the community’s fraught relations with a uniformed force that is predominantly Malay. Police role in relentless temple demolitions and the Kg Medan clashes have not helped ease the tensions.
Negotiation is futile
As Islamisation is being ratcheted up, Waytha believes the “aggressive conduct” of the Islamic authorities is a mutilation of individual rights, commenting on the Hindu cases including cause celebre M Revathi and P Marimuthu.
“These are nothing but provocative acts designed to humiliate, frustrate and belittle the faith and belief of the non-Muslims,” he says.
The destruction of Hindu temples is not something only happening this year or started last year. It has been ongoing for years and is a sustained campaign.
The emergence of rights groups like Hindraf is symptomatic of Indians deciding they’re not waiting for Godot, and “the BN way” of backroom dealing, to preserve their houses of worship and defend their rights.
Indians are also beginning to splinter into newer political parties and no longer remain in thrall to MIC as sole ‘guardian’ of the community. This emancipation from the previously entrenched acquiescence to BN has uncorked the bottled-up rumblings we’re hearing now.
Adding salt to the Indian’s sense of injury is Putrajaya in denial. Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is fast immortalising himself for inanity. A week before Merdeka, he piously reminded Malaysians: “Don’t mock any religion.”
After performing the groundbreaking ceremony for a new UiTM (university especially for Malays) campus built to the munificent tune of RM150 million, Abdullah delivered his groundbreaking homily: “Do not do things which may offend the believers of other religions ... this is not good” – and in the process rather lowering the bar for prime ministerial gravitas.
Hindraf rejoined: “What about demolishing Hindu temples at the rate of one in every three weeks, Mr Prime Minister?”
Fairest one of all
If you care to find out what Islam Hadhari is about, read the FAQ on the Department of Islamic Development (Jakim) website or Abdullah’s dozens of speeches, text on the Prime Minister’s Office website.
A fair representation of Hadhari is distilled in Abdullah’s declaration: “I have been fair, I want to be fair and I will always be fair. This is my promise to you.”
Under Hadhari-in-a-hurry, we’ve seen Chief Justice Ahmad Fairuz Sheikh Abdul Halim suggest that the use of English common law be scrapped, Attorney General Abdul Gani Patail suggest that it be replaced with Syariah and Minister for religious affairs in the PM’s Department Dr Mohd Abdullah Zin saying what a jolly good idea.
Ahmad Fairuz had also written in his judgment on Lina Joy: “… seseorang tidak boleh sesuka hatinya keluar dan masuk agama”. If we pay heed to the learned CJ’s injunction, then ‘fairly’, an Indian cannot simply leave Hinduism at his whim and fancy to become Muslim at his whim and fancy.
Indian apostates outnumber Malay apostates by far. Among the famous names are Muhammad Fitri Abdullah (M Revathi’s counsellor), Muhammad Shafi Abdullah (formerly T Saravan, husband to R Subashini) and Muhammad Ridzwan Mogarajah (formerly M Jeyaganesh, husband to S Shamala).
Nobody’s yet suggested that the men should have obtained permission from their state or national Hindu organisation in order to leave the religion they were born into. Or recommend that they be subjected to detention and rehabilitation before they are sanctioned to abandon Hinduism.
These hindrances would, of course, be against the spirit of Article 11. And illegal, don’t you think?
Go forth and multiply
In any case, it is not that the Islamisation juggernaut can today be in any way hamstrung; we have passed the point of no return.
Allied Co-ordinating Committee of Islamic NGOs (Accin) and Pertubuhan-pertubuhan Pembela Islam attacked the similarly NGO-backed Merdeka Statement and its provisions on promoting freedom of religion – in Malaysian context, the freedom of religions other than Islam – and marking their ever widening Muslim-only territory.
Meanwhile, the dakwah (proselytising Islam) movement is active on the ground with NGOs like Perkim, Yadim and JIM well-networked, and the state pumping the wind behind their sails.
Last weekend, Abdullah said religious and racial divisions are an increasingly serious problem in Malaysia. However, on Aug 27 when he launched the Merdeka Award, the prime minister cited findings that said 81 percent of Malaysians believe ethnic relations to be “favourable”.
Abdullah seems to have experienced quite a big perception shift within the span of a short month, wouldn’t you say? Now which is it, increasingly serious problem or favourable relations?
As with its racial discrimination, Malaysia is probably the only country in the world with definition of race also explicitly written into its constitution. Article 160 (2) defines Malay as a person professing Islam, habitually speaking Malay and conforming to Malay custom.
An Irish is Irish, Inuit is Inuit but when is an Indian constitutionally Malay in Malaysia?
The international convention is that a child takes on the ethnicity of his father. Over here, this universal norm poses somewhat of a ‘dilemma’ to mixed(-up) leaders. Perhaps the ‘who is Indian’ conundrum can be best explicated by ex-premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
Confused Indian identity
Abdullah vaguely mentioned our country’s “most precious identity” in the run-up to Merdeka. But as far as the tub-thumpers of his administration go, Malay-Muslim is the only mould this precious identity is going to take. And knowing full well the Malaysian predilection for conformity, there will be enough takers.
With Hindu temples and shrines bowled over like dominoes, Tamil schools dilapidated, hardly any state funds for religious activities and centres, or training and stipend for the priesthood, it is understandably much more onerous for an Indian to learn the religion of his forebears. Thus Revathi was accused to have had “zero knowledge of Hinduism” and not receiving adequate instruction in faith from her Hindu husband.
Exposure to the Religion of the Federation is comparatively more persuasive as proven by the healthy rate of conversion to Islam.
It’s technically possible to transmogrify into Malay as per Article 160 (2) and you can witness some Malaysians in the throes of such a metamorphosis shedding their old skin to crawl into a new one.
Perhaps to avert segments of the minority communities plunging into an identity crisis, the government should seriously resolve to uplift the Indians and others by ensuring that everyone who deserves NEP help gets it.
There are those who may be under the misassumption that only Malays and pseudo-Malays are eligible for social benefits. Then there is the other popular notion that a Muslim name is a vehicle to acquiring preferential shares in stock-market floatation, contracts and other economic perks.
What has the consistent actions of government shown about its approach to the “most precious identity” of Malaysian-Indians as Indians? Has national life displayed a genuine respect for Indian culture? Supported the teaching, dissemination and practice of Hinduism?
The Indians have pleaded themselves hoarse; now the PM finally promises he’ll listen “even if the truth hurts”. Abdullah promises, promises, sweet talks and honey-coats his words. Ants are practically swarming over all that sugar and termites over the temples that have come a-tumbling down.
The Merdeka Centre for Opinion Research last year found that Malays identify themselves first and foremost as Muslim (correct!), Chinese by race (yes, naturally) and Indians by nationality (oh, I see …)
Proud-to-be Malaysians are living in a country shaped by confused leaders and a regime 22 years under a ‘Malay Dilemma-ed’ ex-premier, who perhaps unbeknownst to his own self suffered an identity crisis. Or maybe it was just a prolonged skin rash that refused to heal.
This confused premier left us a confused successor and an inheritance of confused ministers; some like the Law Minister more confused than others. And top civil servants who are confused about the country’s secular laws and battery-dead ‘independent panels’ confused about what laws they are empowered with.
It’s no wonder then that in this country not a few Malaysians too are confused about the race to which they belong. Bangsa Melayu should not be taken as synonymous with Bangsa Malaysia!
Thierry Rommel: EU Envoy Blasts Malaysia's NEP

KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia — Europe's top envoy to Malaysia Thursday urged the government to roll back its affirmative action policy for majority Malays, saying it is discriminatory and amounts to protectionism against foreign companies.
In unusually frank comments that ignored diplomatic niceties, Thierry Rommel (pix left) openly criticized Malaysia's 37-year-old New Economic Policy, or NEP, that gives a host of privileges in jobs, education, business and other areas to ethnic Malays.
"In a dominant part of the domestic economy, there is no level playing field for foreign companies," Rommel, the ambassador and head of the European Commission Delegation to Malaysia, said in a speech to local and foreign businessmen.
Ethnic Malays and other indigenous groups, known as Bumiputras, comprise more than 60 percent of Malaysia's 26 million people. The government says they have a disproportionately low share of the corporate wealth compared to the minority Chinese, and need the NEP to increase their standard of living.
The government did not immediately respond to Rommel's comments.
Rommel said the government is using the NEP as an excuse to practice "significant protectionism of its own market," including the automotive sector, steel, consumer goods, agricultural products, services and government contracts.
Malaysia claims these are "infant" industries that need to be protected but "in reality .. it is the Malay-centered Bumiputra policy that drives protectionist policies," Rommel said.
As part of the NEP, all public-listed companies are required to allocate 30 percent of their shares to Malays. Companies without Malay directors or employees are excluded from lucrative government contracts. Employers have quotas for hiring Malays.
Eric Reuter, sales and marketing director of freight forwarder ABX Logistics, said the Belgium-based company has a 51 percent Bumiputra partner and is required to work with local companies on government-related projects.
The limitations have eroded his profit margin, he said.
"We cannot be as flexible as we want to be and chances that corruption comes into play is higher. It is an interruption to the free market," Reuter told The Associated Press.
Besides foreigners, minority ethnic Chinese and Indians also see the NEP as a discriminatory tool. Many Malays also have complained the policy has benefited only a few well-connected people.
NEP was started in 1970 when the Malays' corporate ownership was 2 percent. The aim was to raise it to 30 percent by 2010, from 19 percent now. Chinese, who form a quarter of the population, control 40 percent of corporate wealth.
Rommel stopped short of saying the NEP should be scrapped but told reporters separately: "We (in Europe) have bitten the bullet on a number of sensitive issues, why can't you?"
He warned the NEP could "lead to problems" in free trade negotiations between the EU and the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, of which Malaysia is a key member.
The two groups agreed last month to launch free trade talks, which could raise ASEAN's exports to the EU by up to 20 percent, Rommel said. Senior officials are expected to hold their first meeting in Vietnam next month, he added.
International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination
Adopted and opened for signature and ratification by General Assembly resolution 2106
of 21 December 1965 entry into force 4 January 1969, in accordance with Article 19
The States Parties to this Convention,
Considering that the Charter of the United Nations is based on the principles of the dignity and equality inherent in all human beings, and that all Member States have pledged themselves to take joint and separate action, in co-operation with the Organization, for the achievement of one of the purposes of the United Nations which is to promote and encourage universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion,
Considering that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaims that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights and that everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set out therein, without distinction of any kind, in particular as to race, colour or national origin,
Considering that all human beings are equal before the law and are entitled to equal protection of the law against any discrimination and against any incitement to discrimination,
Considering that the United Nations has condemned colonialism and all practices of segregation and discrimination associated therewith, in whatever form and wherever they exist, and that the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples of 14 December 1960 (General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV)) has affirmed and solemnly proclaimed the necessity of bringing them to a speedy and unconditional end,
Considering that the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination of 20 November 1963 (General Assembly resolution 1904 (XVIII)) solemnly affirms the necessity of speedily eliminating racial discrimination throughout the world in all its forms and manifestations and of securing understanding of and respect for the dignity of the human person,
Convinced that any doctrine of superiority based on racial differentiation is scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust and dangerous, and that there is no justification for racial discrimination, in theory or in practice, anywhere,
Reaffirming that discrimination between human beings on the grounds of race, colour or ethnic origin is an obstacle to friendly and peaceful relations among nations and is capable of disturbing peace and security among peoples and the harmony of persons living side by side even within one and the same State,
Convinced that the existence of racial barriers is repugnant to the ideals of any human society,
Alarmed by manifestations of racial discrimination still in evidence in some areas of the world and by governmental policies based on racial superiority or hatred, such as policies of apartheid, segregation or separation,
Resolved to adopt all necessary measures for speedily eliminating racial discrimination in all its forms and manifestations, and to prevent and combat racist doctrines and practices in order to promote understanding between races and to build an international community free from all forms of racial segregation and racial discrimination,
Bearing in mind the Convention concerning Discrimination in respect of Employment and Occupation adopted by the International Labour Organisation in 1958, and the Convention against Discrimination in Education adopted by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization in 1960,
Desiring to implement the principles embodied in the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Al l Forms of Racial Discrimination and to secure the earliest adoption of practical measures to that end,
Have agreed as follows:
PART I
Article 1
1. In this Convention, the term "racial discrimination" shall mean any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life.
2. This Convention shall not apply to distinctions, exclusions, restrictions or preferences made by a State Party to this Convention between citizens and non-citizens.
3. Nothing in this Convention may be interpreted as affecting in any way the legal provisions of States Parties concerning nationality, citizenship or naturalization, provided that such provisions do not discriminate against any particular nationality.
4. Special measures taken for the sole purpose of securing adequate advancement of certain racial or ethnic groups or individuals requiring such protection as may be necessary in order to ensure such groups or individuals equal enjoyment or exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms shall not be deemed racial discrimination, provided, however, that such measures do not, as a consequence, lead to the maintenance of separate rights for different racial groups and that they shall not be continued after the objectives for which they were taken have been achieved.
Article 2
1. States Parties condemn racial discrimination and undertake to pursue by all appropriate means and without delay a policy of eliminating racial discrimination in all its forms and promoting understanding among all races, and, to this end: (a) Each State Party undertakes to engage in no act or practice of racial discrimination against persons, groups of persons or institutions and to en sure that all public authorities and public institutions, national and local, shall act in conformity with this obligation;
(b) Each State Party undertakes not to sponsor, defend or support racial discrimination by any persons or organizations;
(c) Each State Party shall take effective measures to review governmental, national and local policies, and to amend, rescind or nullify any laws and regulations which have the effect of creating or perpetuating racial discrimination wherever it exists;
(d) Each State Party shall prohibit and bring to an end, by all appropriate means, including legislation as required by circumstances, racial discrimination by any persons, group or organization;
(e) Each State Party undertakes to encourage, where appropriate, integrationist multiracial organizations and movements and other means of eliminating barriers between races, and to discourage anything which tends to strengthen racial division.
2. States Parties shall, when the circumstances so warrant, take, in the social, economic, cultural and other fields, special and concrete measures to ensure the adequate development and protection of certain racial groups or individuals belonging to them, for the purpose of guaranteeing them the full and equal enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms. These measures shall in no case en tail as a con sequence the maintenance of unequal or separate rights for different racial groups after the objectives for which they were taken have been achieved.
Article 3
States Parties particularly condemn racial segregation and apartheid and undertake to prevent, prohibit and eradicate all practices of this nature in territories under their jurisdiction.
Article 4
States Parties condemn all propaganda and all organizations which are based on ideas or theories of superiority of one race or group of persons of one colour or ethnic origin, or which attempt to justify or promote racial hatred and discrimination in any form, and undertake to adopt immediate and positive measures designed to eradicate all incitement to, or acts of, such discrimination and, to this end, with due regard to the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the rights expressly set forth in article 5 of this Convention, inter alia:
(a) Shall declare an offence punishable by law all dissemination of ideas based on racial superiority or hatred, incitement to racial discrimination, as well as all acts of violence or incitement to such acts against any race or group of persons of another colour or ethnic origin, and also the provision of any assistance to racist activities, including the financing thereof;
(b) Shall declare illegal and prohibit organizations, and also organized and all other propaganda activities, which promote and incite racial discrimination, and shall recognize participation in such organizations or activities as an offence punishable by law;
(c) Shall not permit public authorities or public institutions, national or local, to promote or incite racial discrimination.
Article 5
In compliance with the fundamental obligations laid down in article 2 of this Convention, States Parties undertake to prohibit and to eliminate racial discrimination in all its forms and to guarantee the right of everyone, without distinction as to race, colour, or national or ethnic origin, to equality before the law, notably in the enjoyment of the following rights:
(a) The right to equal treatment before the tribunals and all other organs administering justice;
(b) The right to security of person and protection by the State against violence or bodily harm, whether inflicted by government officials or by any individual group or institution;
(c) Political rights, in particular the right to participate in elections-to vote and to stand for election-on the basis of universal and equal suffrage, to take part in the Government as well as in the conduct of public affairs at any level and to have equal access to public service;
(d) Other civil rights, in particular:
(i) The right to freedom of movement and residence within the border of the State;
(ii) The right to leave any country, including one's own, and to return to one's country;
(iii) The right to nationality;
(iv) The right to marriage and choice of spouse;
(v) The right to own property alone as well as in association with others;
(vi) The right to inherit;
(vii) The right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion;
(viii) The right to freedom of opinion and expression;
(ix) The right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association;
(e) Economic, social and cultural rights, in particular:
(i) The rights to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work, to protection against unemployment, to equal pay for equal work, to just and favourable remuneration;
(ii) The right to form and join trade unions;
(iii) The right to housing;
(iv) The right to public health, medical care, social security and social services;
(v) The right to education and training;
(vi) The right to equal participation in cultural activities;
(f) The right of access to any place or service intended for use by the general public, such as transport hotels, restaurants, cafes, theatres and parks.
Article 6
States Parties shall assure to everyone within their jurisdiction effective protection and remedies, through the competent national tribunals and other State institutions, against any acts of racial discrimination which violate his human rights and fundamental freedoms contrary to this Convention, as well as the right to seek from such tribunals just and adequate reparation or satisfaction for any damage suffered as a result of such discrimination.
Article 7
States Parties undertake to adopt immediate and effective measures, particularly in the fields of teaching, education, culture and information, with a view to combating prejudices which lead to racial discrimination and to promoting understanding, tolerance and friendship among nations and racial or ethnical groups, as well as to propagating the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and this Convention.
PART II
Article 8
1. There shall be established a Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (hereinafter referred to as the Committee) consisting of eighteen experts of high moral standing and acknowledged impartiality elected by States Parties from among their nationals, who shall serve in their personal capacity, consideration being given to equitable geographical distribution and to the representation of the different forms of civilization as well as of the principal legal systems.
2. The members of the Committee shall be elected by secret ballot from a list of persons nominated by the States Parties. Each State Party may nominate one person from among its own nationals.
3. The initial election shall be held six months after the date of the entry into force of this Convention. At least three months before the date of each election the Secretary-General of the United Nations shall address a letter to the States Parties inviting them to submit their nominations within two months. The Secretary-General shall prepare a list in alphabetical order of all persons thus nominated, indicating the States Parties which have nominated them, and shall submit it to the States Parties.
4. Elections of the members of the Committee shall be held at a meeting of States Parties convened by the Secretary-General at United Nations Headquarters. At that meeting, for which two thirds of the States Parties shall constitute a quorum, the persons elected to the Committee shall be nominees who obtain the largest number of votes and an absolute majority of the votes of the representatives of States Parties present and voting.
5.
(a) The members of the Committee shall be elected for a term of four years. However, the terms of nine of the members elected at the first election shall expire at the end of two years; immediately after the first election the names of these nine members shall be chosen by lot by the Chairman of the Committee;
(b) For the filling of casual vacancies, the State Party whose expert has ceased to function as a member of the Committee shall appoint another expert from among its nationals, subject to the approval of the Committee.
6. States Parties shall be responsible for the expenses of the members of the Committee while they are in performance of Committee duties.
Article 9
1. States Parties undertake to submit to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for consideration by the Committee, a report on the legislative, judicial, administrative or other measures which they have adopted and which give effect to the provisions of this Convention: (a) within one year after the entry into force of the Convention for the State concerned; and
(b) thereafter every two years and whenever the Committee so requests. The Committee may request further information from the States Parties.
2. The Committee shall report annually, through the Secretary General, to the General Assembly of the United Nations on its activities and may make suggestions and general recommendations based on the examination of the reports and information received from the States Parties. Such suggestions and general recommendations shall be reported to the General Assembly together with comments, if any, from States Parties.
Article 10
1. The Committee shall adopt its own rules of procedure.
2. The Committee shall elect its officers for a term of two years.
3. The secretariat of the Committee shall be provided by the Secretary General of the United Nations.
4. The meetings of the Committee shall normally be held at United Nations Headquarters.
Article 11
1. If a State Party considers that another State Party is not giving effect to the provisions of this Convention, it may bring the matter to the attention of the Committee. The Committee shall then transmit the communication to the State Party concerned. Within three months, the receiving State shall submit to the Committee written explanations or statements clarifying the matter and the remedy, if any, that may have been taken by that State.
2. If the matter is not adjusted to the satisfaction of both parties, either by bilateral negotiations or by any other procedure open to them, within six months after the receipt by the receiving State of the initial communication, either State shall have the right to refer the matter again to the Committee by notifying the Committee and also the other State.
3. The Committee shall deal with a matter referred to it in accordance with paragraph 2 of this article after it has ascertained that all available domestic remedies have been invoked and exhausted in the case, in conformity with the generally recognized principles of international law. This shall not be the rule where the application of the remedies is unreasonably prolonged.
4. In any matter referred to it, the Committee may call upon the States Parties concerned to supply any other relevant information.
5. When any matter arising out of this article is being considered by the Committee, the States Parties concerned shall be entitled to send a representative to take part in the proceedings of the Committee, without voting rights, while the matter is under consideration.
Article 12
1. (a) After the Committee has obtained and collated all the information it deems necessary, the Chairman shall appoint an ad hoc Conciliation Commission (hereinafter referred to as the Commission) comprising five persons who may or may not be members of the Committee. The members of the Commission shall be appointed with the unanimous consent of the parties to the dispute, and its good offices shall be made available to the States concerned with a view to an amicable solution of the matter on the basis of respect for this Convention;
(b) If the States parties to the dispute fail to reach agreement within three months on all or part of the composition of the Commission, the members of the Commission not agreed upon by the States parties to the dispute shall be elected by secret ballot by a two-thirds majority vote of the Committee from among its own members.
2. The members of the Commission shall serve in their personal capacity. They shall not be nationals of the States parties to the dispute or of a State not Party to this Convention.
3. The Commission shall elect its own Chairman and adopt its own rules of procedure.
4. The meetings of the Commission shall normally be held at United Nations Headquarters or at any other convenient place as determined by the Commission.
5. The secretariat provided in accordance with article 10, paragraph 3, of this Convention shall also service the Commission whenever a dispute among States Parties brings the Commission into being.
6. The States parties to the dispute shall share equally all the expenses of the members of the Commission in accordance with estimates to be provided by the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
7. The Secretary-General shall be empowered to pay the expenses of the members of the Commission, if necessary, before reimbursement by the States parties to the dispute in accordance with paragraph 6 of this article.
8. The information obtained and collated by the Committee shall be made available to the Commission, and the Commission may call upon the States concerned to supply any other relevant information.
Article 13
1. When the Commission has fully considered the matter, it shall prepare and submit to the Chairman of the Committee a report embodying its findings on all questions of fact relevant to the issue between the parties and containing such recommendations as it may think proper for the amicable solution of the dispute.
2. The Chairman of the Committee shall communicate the report of the Commission to each of the States parties to the dispute. These States shall, within three months, inform the Chairman of the Committee whether or not they accept the recommendations contained in the report of the Commission.
3. After the period provided for in paragraph 2 of this article, the Chairman of the Committee shall communicate the report of the Commission and the declarations of the States Parties concerned to the other States Parties to this Convention.
Article 14
1. A State Party may at any time declare that it recognizes the competence of the Committee to receive and consider communications from individuals or groups of individuals within its jurisdiction claiming to be victims of a violation by that State Party of any of the rights set forth in this Convention. No communication shall be received by the Committee if it concerns a State Party which has not made such a declaration.
2. Any State Party which makes a declaration as provided for in paragraph I of this article may establish or indicate a body within its national legal order which shall be competent to receive and consider petitions from individuals and groups of individuals within its jurisdiction who claim to be victims of a violation of any of the rights set forth in this Convention and who have exhausted other available local remedies.
3. A declaration made in accordance with paragraph 1 of this article and the name of any body established or indicated in accordance with paragraph 2 of this article shall be deposited by the State Party concerned with the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who shall transmit copies thereof to the other States Parties. A declaration may be withdrawn at any time by notification to the Secretary-General, but such a withdrawal shall not affect communications pending before the Committee.
4. A register of petitions shall be kept by the body established or indicated in accordance with paragraph 2 of this article, and certified copies of the register shall be filed annually through appropriate channels with the Secretary-General on the understanding that the contents shall not be publicly disclosed.
5. In the event of failure to obtain satisfaction from the body established or indicated in accordance with paragraph 2 of this article, the petitioner shall have the right to communicate the matter to the Committee within six months.
6.
(a) The Committee shall confidentially bring any communication referred to it to the attention of the State Party alleged to be violating any provision of this Convention, but the identity of the individual or groups of individuals concerned shall not be revealed without his or their express consent. The Committee shall not receive anonymous communications;
(b) Within three months, the receiving State shall submit to the Committee written explanations or statements clarifying the matter and the remedy, if any, that may have been taken by that State.
7.
(a) The Committee shall consider communications in the light of all information made available to it by the State Party concerned and by the petitioner. The Committee shall not consider any communication from a petitioner unless it has ascertained that the petitioner has exhausted all available domestic remedies. However, this shall not be the rule where the application of the remedies is unreasonably prolonged;
(b) The Committee shall forward its suggestions and recommendations, if any, to the State Party concerned and to the petitioner.
8. The Committee shall include in its annual report a summary of such communications and, where appropriate, a summary of the explanations and statements of the States Parties concerned and of its own suggestions and recommendations.
9. The Committee shall be competent to exercise the functions provided for in this article only when at least ten States Parties to this Convention are bound by declarations in accordance with paragraph I of this article.
Article 15
1 . Pending the achievement of the objectives of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, contained in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960, the provisions of this Convention shall in no way limit the right of petition granted to these peoples by other international instruments or by the United Nations and its specialized agencies.
2.
(a) The Committee established under article 8, paragraph 1, of this Convention shall receive copies of the petitions from, and submit expressions of opinion and recommendations on these petitions to, the bodies of the United Nations which deal with matters directly related to the principles and objectives of this Convention in their consideration of petitions from the inhabitants of Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories and all other territories to which General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) applies, relating to matters covered by this Convention which are before these bodies;
(b) The Committee shall receive from the competent bodies of the United Nations copies of the reports concerning the legislative, judicial, administrative or other measures directly related to the principles and objectives of this Convention applied by the administering Powers within the Territories mentioned in subparagraph (a) of this paragraph, and shall express opinions and make recommendations to these bodies.
3. The Committee shall include in its report to the General Assembly a summary of the petitions and reports it has received from United Nations bodies, and the expressions of opinion and recommendations of the Committee relating to the said petitions and reports.
4. The Committee shall request from the Secretary-General of the United Nations all information relevant to the objectives of this Convention and available to him regarding the Territories mentioned in paragraph 2 (a) of this article.
Article 16
The provisions of this Convention concerning the settlement of disputes or complaints shall be applied without prejudice to other procedures for settling disputes or complaints in the field of discrimination laid down in the constituent instruments of, or conventions adopted by, the United Nations and its specialized agencies, and shall not prevent the States Parties from having recourse to other procedures for settling a dispute in accordance with general or special international agreements in force between them.
PART III
Article 17
1. This Convention is open for signature by any State Member of the United Nations or member of any of its specialized agencies, by any State Party to the Statute of the International Court of Justice, and by any other State which has been invited by the General Assembly of the United Nations to become a Party to this Convention.
2. This Convention is subject to ratification. Instruments of ratification shall be deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
Article 18
1. This Convention shall be open to accession by any State referred to in article 17, paragraph 1, of the Convention. 2. Accession shall be effected by the deposit of an instrument of accession with the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
Article 19
1. This Convention shall enter into force on the thirtieth day after the date of the deposit with the Secretary-General of the United Nations of the twenty-seventh instrument of ratification or instrument of accession.
2. For each State ratifying this Convention or acceding to it after the deposit of the twenty-seventh instrument of ratification or instrument of accession, the Convention shall enter into force on the thirtieth day after the date of the deposit of its own instrument of ratification or instrument of accession.
Article 20
1. The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall receive and circulate to all States which are or may become Parties to this Convention reservations made by States at the time of ratification or accession. Any State which objects to the reservation shall, within a period of ninety days from the date of the said communication, notify the Secretary-General that it does not accept it.
2. A reservation incompatible with the object and purpose of this Convention shall not be permitted, nor shall a reservation the effect of which would inhibit the operation of any of the bodies established by this Convention be allowed. A reservation shall be considered incompatible or inhibitive if at least two thirds of the States Parties to this Convention object to it.
3. Reservations may be withdrawn at any time by notification to this effect addressed to the Secretary-General. Such notification shall take effect on the date on which it is received.
Article 21
A State Party may denounce this Convention by written notification to the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Denunciation shall take effect one year after the date of receipt of the notification by the Secretary General.
Article 22
Any dispute between two or more States Parties with respect to the interpretation or application of this Convention, which is not settled by negotiation or by the procedures expressly provided for in this Convention, shall, at the request of any of the parties to the dispute, be referred to the International Court of Justice for decision, unless the disputants agree to another mode of settlement.
Article 23
1. A request for the revision of this Convention may be made at any time by any State Party by means of a notification in writing addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
2. The General Assembly of the United Nations shall decide upon the steps, if any, to be taken in respect of such a request.
Article 24
The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall inform all States referred to in article 17, paragraph 1, of this Convention of the following particulars:
(a) Signatures, ratifications and accessions under articles 17 and 18;
(b) The date of entry into force of this Convention under article 19;
(c) Communications and declarations received under articles 14, 20 and 23;
(d) Denunciations under article 21.
Article 25
1. This Convention, of which the Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish texts are equally authentic, shall be deposited in the archives of the United Nations.
2. The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall transmit certified copies of this Convention to all States belonging to any of the categories mentioned in article 17, paragraph 1, of the Convention.
of 21 December 1965 entry into force 4 January 1969, in accordance with Article 19
The States Parties to this Convention,
Considering that the Charter of the United Nations is based on the principles of the dignity and equality inherent in all human beings, and that all Member States have pledged themselves to take joint and separate action, in co-operation with the Organization, for the achievement of one of the purposes of the United Nations which is to promote and encourage universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion,
Considering that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaims that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights and that everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set out therein, without distinction of any kind, in particular as to race, colour or national origin,
Considering that all human beings are equal before the law and are entitled to equal protection of the law against any discrimination and against any incitement to discrimination,
Considering that the United Nations has condemned colonialism and all practices of segregation and discrimination associated therewith, in whatever form and wherever they exist, and that the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples of 14 December 1960 (General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV)) has affirmed and solemnly proclaimed the necessity of bringing them to a speedy and unconditional end,
Considering that the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination of 20 November 1963 (General Assembly resolution 1904 (XVIII)) solemnly affirms the necessity of speedily eliminating racial discrimination throughout the world in all its forms and manifestations and of securing understanding of and respect for the dignity of the human person,
Convinced that any doctrine of superiority based on racial differentiation is scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust and dangerous, and that there is no justification for racial discrimination, in theory or in practice, anywhere,
Reaffirming that discrimination between human beings on the grounds of race, colour or ethnic origin is an obstacle to friendly and peaceful relations among nations and is capable of disturbing peace and security among peoples and the harmony of persons living side by side even within one and the same State,
Convinced that the existence of racial barriers is repugnant to the ideals of any human society,
Alarmed by manifestations of racial discrimination still in evidence in some areas of the world and by governmental policies based on racial superiority or hatred, such as policies of apartheid, segregation or separation,
Resolved to adopt all necessary measures for speedily eliminating racial discrimination in all its forms and manifestations, and to prevent and combat racist doctrines and practices in order to promote understanding between races and to build an international community free from all forms of racial segregation and racial discrimination,
Bearing in mind the Convention concerning Discrimination in respect of Employment and Occupation adopted by the International Labour Organisation in 1958, and the Convention against Discrimination in Education adopted by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization in 1960,
Desiring to implement the principles embodied in the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Al l Forms of Racial Discrimination and to secure the earliest adoption of practical measures to that end,
Have agreed as follows:
PART I
Article 1
1. In this Convention, the term "racial discrimination" shall mean any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life.
2. This Convention shall not apply to distinctions, exclusions, restrictions or preferences made by a State Party to this Convention between citizens and non-citizens.
3. Nothing in this Convention may be interpreted as affecting in any way the legal provisions of States Parties concerning nationality, citizenship or naturalization, provided that such provisions do not discriminate against any particular nationality.
4. Special measures taken for the sole purpose of securing adequate advancement of certain racial or ethnic groups or individuals requiring such protection as may be necessary in order to ensure such groups or individuals equal enjoyment or exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms shall not be deemed racial discrimination, provided, however, that such measures do not, as a consequence, lead to the maintenance of separate rights for different racial groups and that they shall not be continued after the objectives for which they were taken have been achieved.
Article 2
1. States Parties condemn racial discrimination and undertake to pursue by all appropriate means and without delay a policy of eliminating racial discrimination in all its forms and promoting understanding among all races, and, to this end: (a) Each State Party undertakes to engage in no act or practice of racial discrimination against persons, groups of persons or institutions and to en sure that all public authorities and public institutions, national and local, shall act in conformity with this obligation;
(b) Each State Party undertakes not to sponsor, defend or support racial discrimination by any persons or organizations;
(c) Each State Party shall take effective measures to review governmental, national and local policies, and to amend, rescind or nullify any laws and regulations which have the effect of creating or perpetuating racial discrimination wherever it exists;
(d) Each State Party shall prohibit and bring to an end, by all appropriate means, including legislation as required by circumstances, racial discrimination by any persons, group or organization;
(e) Each State Party undertakes to encourage, where appropriate, integrationist multiracial organizations and movements and other means of eliminating barriers between races, and to discourage anything which tends to strengthen racial division.
2. States Parties shall, when the circumstances so warrant, take, in the social, economic, cultural and other fields, special and concrete measures to ensure the adequate development and protection of certain racial groups or individuals belonging to them, for the purpose of guaranteeing them the full and equal enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms. These measures shall in no case en tail as a con sequence the maintenance of unequal or separate rights for different racial groups after the objectives for which they were taken have been achieved.
Article 3
States Parties particularly condemn racial segregation and apartheid and undertake to prevent, prohibit and eradicate all practices of this nature in territories under their jurisdiction.
Article 4
States Parties condemn all propaganda and all organizations which are based on ideas or theories of superiority of one race or group of persons of one colour or ethnic origin, or which attempt to justify or promote racial hatred and discrimination in any form, and undertake to adopt immediate and positive measures designed to eradicate all incitement to, or acts of, such discrimination and, to this end, with due regard to the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the rights expressly set forth in article 5 of this Convention, inter alia:
(a) Shall declare an offence punishable by law all dissemination of ideas based on racial superiority or hatred, incitement to racial discrimination, as well as all acts of violence or incitement to such acts against any race or group of persons of another colour or ethnic origin, and also the provision of any assistance to racist activities, including the financing thereof;
(b) Shall declare illegal and prohibit organizations, and also organized and all other propaganda activities, which promote and incite racial discrimination, and shall recognize participation in such organizations or activities as an offence punishable by law;
(c) Shall not permit public authorities or public institutions, national or local, to promote or incite racial discrimination.
Article 5
In compliance with the fundamental obligations laid down in article 2 of this Convention, States Parties undertake to prohibit and to eliminate racial discrimination in all its forms and to guarantee the right of everyone, without distinction as to race, colour, or national or ethnic origin, to equality before the law, notably in the enjoyment of the following rights:
(a) The right to equal treatment before the tribunals and all other organs administering justice;
(b) The right to security of person and protection by the State against violence or bodily harm, whether inflicted by government officials or by any individual group or institution;
(c) Political rights, in particular the right to participate in elections-to vote and to stand for election-on the basis of universal and equal suffrage, to take part in the Government as well as in the conduct of public affairs at any level and to have equal access to public service;
(d) Other civil rights, in particular:
(i) The right to freedom of movement and residence within the border of the State;
(ii) The right to leave any country, including one's own, and to return to one's country;
(iii) The right to nationality;
(iv) The right to marriage and choice of spouse;
(v) The right to own property alone as well as in association with others;
(vi) The right to inherit;
(vii) The right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion;
(viii) The right to freedom of opinion and expression;
(ix) The right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association;
(e) Economic, social and cultural rights, in particular:
(i) The rights to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work, to protection against unemployment, to equal pay for equal work, to just and favourable remuneration;
(ii) The right to form and join trade unions;
(iii) The right to housing;
(iv) The right to public health, medical care, social security and social services;
(v) The right to education and training;
(vi) The right to equal participation in cultural activities;
(f) The right of access to any place or service intended for use by the general public, such as transport hotels, restaurants, cafes, theatres and parks.
Article 6
States Parties shall assure to everyone within their jurisdiction effective protection and remedies, through the competent national tribunals and other State institutions, against any acts of racial discrimination which violate his human rights and fundamental freedoms contrary to this Convention, as well as the right to seek from such tribunals just and adequate reparation or satisfaction for any damage suffered as a result of such discrimination.
Article 7
States Parties undertake to adopt immediate and effective measures, particularly in the fields of teaching, education, culture and information, with a view to combating prejudices which lead to racial discrimination and to promoting understanding, tolerance and friendship among nations and racial or ethnical groups, as well as to propagating the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and this Convention.
PART II
Article 8
1. There shall be established a Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (hereinafter referred to as the Committee) consisting of eighteen experts of high moral standing and acknowledged impartiality elected by States Parties from among their nationals, who shall serve in their personal capacity, consideration being given to equitable geographical distribution and to the representation of the different forms of civilization as well as of the principal legal systems.
2. The members of the Committee shall be elected by secret ballot from a list of persons nominated by the States Parties. Each State Party may nominate one person from among its own nationals.
3. The initial election shall be held six months after the date of the entry into force of this Convention. At least three months before the date of each election the Secretary-General of the United Nations shall address a letter to the States Parties inviting them to submit their nominations within two months. The Secretary-General shall prepare a list in alphabetical order of all persons thus nominated, indicating the States Parties which have nominated them, and shall submit it to the States Parties.
4. Elections of the members of the Committee shall be held at a meeting of States Parties convened by the Secretary-General at United Nations Headquarters. At that meeting, for which two thirds of the States Parties shall constitute a quorum, the persons elected to the Committee shall be nominees who obtain the largest number of votes and an absolute majority of the votes of the representatives of States Parties present and voting.
5.
(a) The members of the Committee shall be elected for a term of four years. However, the terms of nine of the members elected at the first election shall expire at the end of two years; immediately after the first election the names of these nine members shall be chosen by lot by the Chairman of the Committee;
(b) For the filling of casual vacancies, the State Party whose expert has ceased to function as a member of the Committee shall appoint another expert from among its nationals, subject to the approval of the Committee.
6. States Parties shall be responsible for the expenses of the members of the Committee while they are in performance of Committee duties.
Article 9
1. States Parties undertake to submit to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for consideration by the Committee, a report on the legislative, judicial, administrative or other measures which they have adopted and which give effect to the provisions of this Convention: (a) within one year after the entry into force of the Convention for the State concerned; and
(b) thereafter every two years and whenever the Committee so requests. The Committee may request further information from the States Parties.
2. The Committee shall report annually, through the Secretary General, to the General Assembly of the United Nations on its activities and may make suggestions and general recommendations based on the examination of the reports and information received from the States Parties. Such suggestions and general recommendations shall be reported to the General Assembly together with comments, if any, from States Parties.
Article 10
1. The Committee shall adopt its own rules of procedure.
2. The Committee shall elect its officers for a term of two years.
3. The secretariat of the Committee shall be provided by the Secretary General of the United Nations.
4. The meetings of the Committee shall normally be held at United Nations Headquarters.
Article 11
1. If a State Party considers that another State Party is not giving effect to the provisions of this Convention, it may bring the matter to the attention of the Committee. The Committee shall then transmit the communication to the State Party concerned. Within three months, the receiving State shall submit to the Committee written explanations or statements clarifying the matter and the remedy, if any, that may have been taken by that State.
2. If the matter is not adjusted to the satisfaction of both parties, either by bilateral negotiations or by any other procedure open to them, within six months after the receipt by the receiving State of the initial communication, either State shall have the right to refer the matter again to the Committee by notifying the Committee and also the other State.
3. The Committee shall deal with a matter referred to it in accordance with paragraph 2 of this article after it has ascertained that all available domestic remedies have been invoked and exhausted in the case, in conformity with the generally recognized principles of international law. This shall not be the rule where the application of the remedies is unreasonably prolonged.
4. In any matter referred to it, the Committee may call upon the States Parties concerned to supply any other relevant information.
5. When any matter arising out of this article is being considered by the Committee, the States Parties concerned shall be entitled to send a representative to take part in the proceedings of the Committee, without voting rights, while the matter is under consideration.
Article 12
1. (a) After the Committee has obtained and collated all the information it deems necessary, the Chairman shall appoint an ad hoc Conciliation Commission (hereinafter referred to as the Commission) comprising five persons who may or may not be members of the Committee. The members of the Commission shall be appointed with the unanimous consent of the parties to the dispute, and its good offices shall be made available to the States concerned with a view to an amicable solution of the matter on the basis of respect for this Convention;
(b) If the States parties to the dispute fail to reach agreement within three months on all or part of the composition of the Commission, the members of the Commission not agreed upon by the States parties to the dispute shall be elected by secret ballot by a two-thirds majority vote of the Committee from among its own members.
2. The members of the Commission shall serve in their personal capacity. They shall not be nationals of the States parties to the dispute or of a State not Party to this Convention.
3. The Commission shall elect its own Chairman and adopt its own rules of procedure.
4. The meetings of the Commission shall normally be held at United Nations Headquarters or at any other convenient place as determined by the Commission.
5. The secretariat provided in accordance with article 10, paragraph 3, of this Convention shall also service the Commission whenever a dispute among States Parties brings the Commission into being.
6. The States parties to the dispute shall share equally all the expenses of the members of the Commission in accordance with estimates to be provided by the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
7. The Secretary-General shall be empowered to pay the expenses of the members of the Commission, if necessary, before reimbursement by the States parties to the dispute in accordance with paragraph 6 of this article.
8. The information obtained and collated by the Committee shall be made available to the Commission, and the Commission may call upon the States concerned to supply any other relevant information.
Article 13
1. When the Commission has fully considered the matter, it shall prepare and submit to the Chairman of the Committee a report embodying its findings on all questions of fact relevant to the issue between the parties and containing such recommendations as it may think proper for the amicable solution of the dispute.
2. The Chairman of the Committee shall communicate the report of the Commission to each of the States parties to the dispute. These States shall, within three months, inform the Chairman of the Committee whether or not they accept the recommendations contained in the report of the Commission.
3. After the period provided for in paragraph 2 of this article, the Chairman of the Committee shall communicate the report of the Commission and the declarations of the States Parties concerned to the other States Parties to this Convention.
Article 14
1. A State Party may at any time declare that it recognizes the competence of the Committee to receive and consider communications from individuals or groups of individuals within its jurisdiction claiming to be victims of a violation by that State Party of any of the rights set forth in this Convention. No communication shall be received by the Committee if it concerns a State Party which has not made such a declaration.
2. Any State Party which makes a declaration as provided for in paragraph I of this article may establish or indicate a body within its national legal order which shall be competent to receive and consider petitions from individuals and groups of individuals within its jurisdiction who claim to be victims of a violation of any of the rights set forth in this Convention and who have exhausted other available local remedies.
3. A declaration made in accordance with paragraph 1 of this article and the name of any body established or indicated in accordance with paragraph 2 of this article shall be deposited by the State Party concerned with the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who shall transmit copies thereof to the other States Parties. A declaration may be withdrawn at any time by notification to the Secretary-General, but such a withdrawal shall not affect communications pending before the Committee.
4. A register of petitions shall be kept by the body established or indicated in accordance with paragraph 2 of this article, and certified copies of the register shall be filed annually through appropriate channels with the Secretary-General on the understanding that the contents shall not be publicly disclosed.
5. In the event of failure to obtain satisfaction from the body established or indicated in accordance with paragraph 2 of this article, the petitioner shall have the right to communicate the matter to the Committee within six months.
6.
(a) The Committee shall confidentially bring any communication referred to it to the attention of the State Party alleged to be violating any provision of this Convention, but the identity of the individual or groups of individuals concerned shall not be revealed without his or their express consent. The Committee shall not receive anonymous communications;
(b) Within three months, the receiving State shall submit to the Committee written explanations or statements clarifying the matter and the remedy, if any, that may have been taken by that State.
7.
(a) The Committee shall consider communications in the light of all information made available to it by the State Party concerned and by the petitioner. The Committee shall not consider any communication from a petitioner unless it has ascertained that the petitioner has exhausted all available domestic remedies. However, this shall not be the rule where the application of the remedies is unreasonably prolonged;
(b) The Committee shall forward its suggestions and recommendations, if any, to the State Party concerned and to the petitioner.
8. The Committee shall include in its annual report a summary of such communications and, where appropriate, a summary of the explanations and statements of the States Parties concerned and of its own suggestions and recommendations.
9. The Committee shall be competent to exercise the functions provided for in this article only when at least ten States Parties to this Convention are bound by declarations in accordance with paragraph I of this article.
Article 15
1 . Pending the achievement of the objectives of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, contained in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960, the provisions of this Convention shall in no way limit the right of petition granted to these peoples by other international instruments or by the United Nations and its specialized agencies.
2.
(a) The Committee established under article 8, paragraph 1, of this Convention shall receive copies of the petitions from, and submit expressions of opinion and recommendations on these petitions to, the bodies of the United Nations which deal with matters directly related to the principles and objectives of this Convention in their consideration of petitions from the inhabitants of Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories and all other territories to which General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) applies, relating to matters covered by this Convention which are before these bodies;
(b) The Committee shall receive from the competent bodies of the United Nations copies of the reports concerning the legislative, judicial, administrative or other measures directly related to the principles and objectives of this Convention applied by the administering Powers within the Territories mentioned in subparagraph (a) of this paragraph, and shall express opinions and make recommendations to these bodies.
3. The Committee shall include in its report to the General Assembly a summary of the petitions and reports it has received from United Nations bodies, and the expressions of opinion and recommendations of the Committee relating to the said petitions and reports.
4. The Committee shall request from the Secretary-General of the United Nations all information relevant to the objectives of this Convention and available to him regarding the Territories mentioned in paragraph 2 (a) of this article.
Article 16
The provisions of this Convention concerning the settlement of disputes or complaints shall be applied without prejudice to other procedures for settling disputes or complaints in the field of discrimination laid down in the constituent instruments of, or conventions adopted by, the United Nations and its specialized agencies, and shall not prevent the States Parties from having recourse to other procedures for settling a dispute in accordance with general or special international agreements in force between them.
PART III
Article 17
1. This Convention is open for signature by any State Member of the United Nations or member of any of its specialized agencies, by any State Party to the Statute of the International Court of Justice, and by any other State which has been invited by the General Assembly of the United Nations to become a Party to this Convention.
2. This Convention is subject to ratification. Instruments of ratification shall be deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
Article 18
1. This Convention shall be open to accession by any State referred to in article 17, paragraph 1, of the Convention. 2. Accession shall be effected by the deposit of an instrument of accession with the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
Article 19
1. This Convention shall enter into force on the thirtieth day after the date of the deposit with the Secretary-General of the United Nations of the twenty-seventh instrument of ratification or instrument of accession.
2. For each State ratifying this Convention or acceding to it after the deposit of the twenty-seventh instrument of ratification or instrument of accession, the Convention shall enter into force on the thirtieth day after the date of the deposit of its own instrument of ratification or instrument of accession.
Article 20
1. The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall receive and circulate to all States which are or may become Parties to this Convention reservations made by States at the time of ratification or accession. Any State which objects to the reservation shall, within a period of ninety days from the date of the said communication, notify the Secretary-General that it does not accept it.
2. A reservation incompatible with the object and purpose of this Convention shall not be permitted, nor shall a reservation the effect of which would inhibit the operation of any of the bodies established by this Convention be allowed. A reservation shall be considered incompatible or inhibitive if at least two thirds of the States Parties to this Convention object to it.
3. Reservations may be withdrawn at any time by notification to this effect addressed to the Secretary-General. Such notification shall take effect on the date on which it is received.
Article 21
A State Party may denounce this Convention by written notification to the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Denunciation shall take effect one year after the date of receipt of the notification by the Secretary General.
Article 22
Any dispute between two or more States Parties with respect to the interpretation or application of this Convention, which is not settled by negotiation or by the procedures expressly provided for in this Convention, shall, at the request of any of the parties to the dispute, be referred to the International Court of Justice for decision, unless the disputants agree to another mode of settlement.
Article 23
1. A request for the revision of this Convention may be made at any time by any State Party by means of a notification in writing addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
2. The General Assembly of the United Nations shall decide upon the steps, if any, to be taken in respect of such a request.
Article 24
The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall inform all States referred to in article 17, paragraph 1, of this Convention of the following particulars:
(a) Signatures, ratifications and accessions under articles 17 and 18;
(b) The date of entry into force of this Convention under article 19;
(c) Communications and declarations received under articles 14, 20 and 23;
(d) Denunciations under article 21.
Article 25
1. This Convention, of which the Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish texts are equally authentic, shall be deposited in the archives of the United Nations.
2. The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall transmit certified copies of this Convention to all States belonging to any of the categories mentioned in article 17, paragraph 1, of the Convention.
Why the Malaysian Space Escapade Was Money Down the Drain
The Malaysian space programme is a joke, but it doesn't have to be. It just needs to stop focusing on the record books and start focusing on the science. We are NOT a science society, unlike westerns science is their religion. IF A SCIENCE PROJECT WHICH CONTRAVENES RELIGION, WOULD IT BE CONTINUED, NO- BECAUSE SCIENCE ALWAYS CONTRAVENES RELIGION.
While everyone was apparently getting excited about Malaysia's first "astronaut", I quietly ignored the whole brouhaha. While it was a great publicity stunt, there wasn't anything more to it.
The issue has, like a lot of other Malaysian "accomplishments", been quite polarising. If you care at all about the issue (which a lot of Malaysians don't necessarily do), you either think it's a marvelous achievement, or a meaningless stunt.
The interesting thing is that there doesn't seem to be much rational or sensible debate about the subject of Malaysia in space, which is somewhat disappointing. The natural instinct has been either to defend the space programme, or to deride it, without discussing the potential role a meaningful space programme could play.
Here is why the Malaysian space programme thus far is a joke: it makes no meaningful contribution to science. It is purely a publicity stunt; we want to be able to say someone from our country was in space.
If you really think about it, that's rather stupid; anyone can be in space if they have enough money these days. They just have to pay the Russians. Some have called Anousheh Ansari the first Iranian astronaut, even though she was the one who paid for her space ride.
Malaysia insists we're different because we made our astronauts undergo a rigorous selection process, and we conducted important experiments in space. (By the way, I wonder what happened to the idea of playing batu seremban and making teh tarik in space?) But Ansari conducted experiments too, on behalf of the European Space Agency.
The crucial distinguishing factor, really, is that she paid for her ride, while the Malaysian government paid for the ride of one Malaysian citizen, who it selected on the basis of a number of physical tests. This does not a true astronaut make; this is no space programme.
I think there is nothing wrong at all with working towards the goal of putting a Malaysian into space. I just think it's completely stupid to cheat on the "working towards" part.
Having a real space programme implies that we have the intellectual manpower to conduct groundbreaking experiments, to develop real innovations, to actually make the different environment of space something we can exploit to further our country and the human race.
Thus, to work towards a real Malaysian astronaut and a real Malaysian space programme, we would not be paying the Russians to put a Malaysian citizen in space, which really implies nothing. At the barest minimum, we would be paying the Russians to put a Malaysian citizen into space so he could test a Malaysian hypothesis.
I don't know what experiments our astronaut did in space, but none of them probably really matter. Our physicists did not propose any interesting hypotheses he could test; our biologists did not learn anything new about how the body behaves in space; our chemists certainly are no better off.
The whole point of going into space is to learn about our world. It is not to be able to say you put someone X kilometres above the ground, away from the earth. That's something for the record books, but it is not for science; it is not a real space programme.
Let's not kid ourselves. We don't have a real space programme — and the reason is because we don't have a real academic and intellectual community in our country. We have a repressed academic community — we have a society where thinking is discouraged. It isn't surprising then that we don't have a space programme to speak of.
If we want a true astronaut we can be proud of, then please, let's have a space agency with some real goals — goals that don't necessarily include putting our country or its people in the record books. We should be doing something that makes us better off — and that means furthering our knowledge. That should be the point of our space programme.
While everyone was apparently getting excited about Malaysia's first "astronaut", I quietly ignored the whole brouhaha. While it was a great publicity stunt, there wasn't anything more to it.
The issue has, like a lot of other Malaysian "accomplishments", been quite polarising. If you care at all about the issue (which a lot of Malaysians don't necessarily do), you either think it's a marvelous achievement, or a meaningless stunt.
The interesting thing is that there doesn't seem to be much rational or sensible debate about the subject of Malaysia in space, which is somewhat disappointing. The natural instinct has been either to defend the space programme, or to deride it, without discussing the potential role a meaningful space programme could play.
Here is why the Malaysian space programme thus far is a joke: it makes no meaningful contribution to science. It is purely a publicity stunt; we want to be able to say someone from our country was in space.
If you really think about it, that's rather stupid; anyone can be in space if they have enough money these days. They just have to pay the Russians. Some have called Anousheh Ansari the first Iranian astronaut, even though she was the one who paid for her space ride.
Malaysia insists we're different because we made our astronauts undergo a rigorous selection process, and we conducted important experiments in space. (By the way, I wonder what happened to the idea of playing batu seremban and making teh tarik in space?) But Ansari conducted experiments too, on behalf of the European Space Agency.
The crucial distinguishing factor, really, is that she paid for her ride, while the Malaysian government paid for the ride of one Malaysian citizen, who it selected on the basis of a number of physical tests. This does not a true astronaut make; this is no space programme.
I think there is nothing wrong at all with working towards the goal of putting a Malaysian into space. I just think it's completely stupid to cheat on the "working towards" part.
Having a real space programme implies that we have the intellectual manpower to conduct groundbreaking experiments, to develop real innovations, to actually make the different environment of space something we can exploit to further our country and the human race.
Thus, to work towards a real Malaysian astronaut and a real Malaysian space programme, we would not be paying the Russians to put a Malaysian citizen in space, which really implies nothing. At the barest minimum, we would be paying the Russians to put a Malaysian citizen into space so he could test a Malaysian hypothesis.
I don't know what experiments our astronaut did in space, but none of them probably really matter. Our physicists did not propose any interesting hypotheses he could test; our biologists did not learn anything new about how the body behaves in space; our chemists certainly are no better off.
The whole point of going into space is to learn about our world. It is not to be able to say you put someone X kilometres above the ground, away from the earth. That's something for the record books, but it is not for science; it is not a real space programme.
Let's not kid ourselves. We don't have a real space programme — and the reason is because we don't have a real academic and intellectual community in our country. We have a repressed academic community — we have a society where thinking is discouraged. It isn't surprising then that we don't have a space programme to speak of.
If we want a true astronaut we can be proud of, then please, let's have a space agency with some real goals — goals that don't necessarily include putting our country or its people in the record books. We should be doing something that makes us better off — and that means furthering our knowledge. That should be the point of our space programme.
PROF P.RAMASAMY
PROF P.RAMASAMY : V.C.MATERIAL
After 25 years of service to UKM and having churned out thousands of students for the country and coupled with his academic works achievements status and stature locally and internationally this is how Prof.P.Ramasamy has been treated. In fact Prof.P.Ramasamy can and should legitimately expect to be the Vice Chancellor and he would have long been one had he been in another country. But far from this he was unconscionably unreasonably terminated as soon as he reached retirement age. Even his former student “qualified” to become Head of the Department while Prof.P.Ramasamy was still retained as a lecturer.
IF you do not call this direct racial discrimination then what do you call it?
Prof.P.Ramasamy’s academic credentials were put to question by the UKM Vice Chancellor. IF that be so how could the very same Vice Chancellor appoint Prof.P.Ramasamy’s former student as head of department when this head of department was “the product of an academically questionable lecturer”!.
We bring to the attention of the UKM Vice Chancellor and the Higher Education Minister the very simple and basic statement of University Malaya’s Chancellor Sultan Azlan Shah (Don’t be degree wills The Star 10.8.2005 at page 17).
“Thus they should find the optimum limit for physical expansion and retain experienced lecturers who have passed the retirement age.
The Higher Education Minister said….professors and lectures were still capable and “full of energy” when they reached the current retirement age….so that they get to retire at the same age as judges now (The Star 22/7/2005 at page 28” Lecturers may get to retire at 66).
IF Prof.P.Ramasamy had been part of the majority community perhaps the above would certainly apply.
Discrimination of this nature is the tip of the iceberg against especially ethic minority Malaysian Indians in both the Public and Private Sectors. How then are we to have meaningful racial integration and national unity and to feel truly Malaysian. It is regrettable that in this era of globalisation we are still held back by “racial considerations”.
The authorities treating all Malaysians as human beings stopping their direct discrimination and transcending across all racial and ethnic lines is the only answer!
After 25 years of service to UKM and having churned out thousands of students for the country and coupled with his academic works achievements status and stature locally and internationally this is how Prof.P.Ramasamy has been treated. In fact Prof.P.Ramasamy can and should legitimately expect to be the Vice Chancellor and he would have long been one had he been in another country. But far from this he was unconscionably unreasonably terminated as soon as he reached retirement age. Even his former student “qualified” to become Head of the Department while Prof.P.Ramasamy was still retained as a lecturer.
IF you do not call this direct racial discrimination then what do you call it?
Prof.P.Ramasamy’s academic credentials were put to question by the UKM Vice Chancellor. IF that be so how could the very same Vice Chancellor appoint Prof.P.Ramasamy’s former student as head of department when this head of department was “the product of an academically questionable lecturer”!.
We bring to the attention of the UKM Vice Chancellor and the Higher Education Minister the very simple and basic statement of University Malaya’s Chancellor Sultan Azlan Shah (Don’t be degree wills The Star 10.8.2005 at page 17).
“Thus they should find the optimum limit for physical expansion and retain experienced lecturers who have passed the retirement age.
The Higher Education Minister said….professors and lectures were still capable and “full of energy” when they reached the current retirement age….so that they get to retire at the same age as judges now (The Star 22/7/2005 at page 28” Lecturers may get to retire at 66).
IF Prof.P.Ramasamy had been part of the majority community perhaps the above would certainly apply.
Discrimination of this nature is the tip of the iceberg against especially ethic minority Malaysian Indians in both the Public and Private Sectors. How then are we to have meaningful racial integration and national unity and to feel truly Malaysian. It is regrettable that in this era of globalisation we are still held back by “racial considerations”.
The authorities treating all Malaysians as human beings stopping their direct discrimination and transcending across all racial and ethnic lines is the only answer!
Only 0.04% (USM) & 0.07% (UKM) Indians in local universities-discrimination
HINDRAF
Hindu Rights Action Force
No. 135-3-A, Jalan Toman 7,
Kemayan Square,
70200 Seremban, Negeri Sembilan
Malaysia. Tel : 06-7672995/6
Fax: 06-7672997 Email waytha@hotmail.com
MEDIA STATEMENT
23.8.2007
ONLY 247 (0.07%) OUT OF 3,164 GRADUATES FROM UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA AND 341 (0.04%) OUT OF 7,591 GRADUATES FROM UNIVERSITY SAINS MALAYSIA ARE INDIANS.
Vide our letter to YAB the Prime Minister yesterday 22.8.2007, we had raised our concerns that it has been reported that out of 7,591 graduates of University Sains Malaysia, only 341 are Indians (Makal Osai 22.8.2007 pg 16). This works out to an average of 0.04% of Indian students in the local public Universities when the Indians they form about 8% of the population.
In today’s Tamil Nesan 23.8.2007 at page 16, it has been reported that out of the 117,075 graduates over 37 years (average of 3,164 graduates per year) who graduated from University Kebangsaan Malaysia only 247 or 0.07% are Indians.
This has in fact dwindled by about 99.8% from 20% in 1956 (Minutes of the Reid Commission meeting with Johor as contained in “Public Forum on 50 years of violations of the Federal Constitution by the Malaysian Government on 28.7.2007 by Hindraf refers) ie over the last 50 years of Merdeka (independence) Is this the fairness your goodself are talking about Mr.Prime Minister?
While the Prime Minister at the officiating of the Malaysian Chinese Association Annual General Assembly proclaimed “Spirit of 57 and Sharing, Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s recipe for Malaysian stakeholders’ (NST 20.8.2007 headlines) “In standing for their individual causes, community leaders must not practice discrimination, he said” (Badawi) “Those who discriminate are unworthy of being leaders’. True patriots are those who consider the needs and feelings of others without discriminating”. “On the issue of power sharing, I have been fair, I want to be fair and I’ll always be fair” Abdullah was given a standing ovation as he returned to his seat. (NST 20.8.2007 pg2)
We regret to note however that the ground reality under the leadership of Y.A.B. the Prime Minister is completely and unjustifiably otherwise.
For your goodselves information, unlike the Malaysian Chinese, the Indians, about 70% of whom are in the poor and hardcore poor category cannot afford private University or overseas university education and the Indians are discriminated against in admissions into the public universities. With no or very little wealth and / or capital the Indians otherwise have very little opportunities for upward mobility both in the public and private sectors or in doing business for that matter let alone participating in the industries and the corporate sector. Their only hope for upward mobility is through higher education. When every other country in the world gives it’s citizens every available opportunity to realise the country’s full potential why dash their (Indian) legitimate hopes? Especially when most of them are hard working but are marginalised primarily because of the lack of opportunities, fair opportunities or equal opportunities.
We humbly call upon the Prime Minister and the UMNO controlled Malaysian government to practice what they preach especially in the week before Malaysia celebrates its 50th Anniversary Golden Jubilee Independence celebrations which the world is watching.
For the 2 Million Indians in Malaysia, there is no Merdeka (independence) until the State stops discriminatory practices against the Indians and they are treated equally as Malaysians.
Thank You,
Yours Faithfully
P. Uthayakumar
Legal Adviser
c.c Y.A.B. DATO’ SERI ABDULLAH AHMAD BADAWI
Prime Minister of Malaysia
Block Utama,
Bangunan Perdana Putra, Fax:03-88883444
Pusat Pentadbiran Kerajaan Persekutuan,
62502 Putrajaya. Email: reduceredtape@pmo.gov.my
Email: abdullah@kdn.gov.my
Hindu Rights Action Force
No. 135-3-A, Jalan Toman 7,
Kemayan Square,
70200 Seremban, Negeri Sembilan
Malaysia. Tel : 06-7672995/6
Fax: 06-7672997 Email waytha@hotmail.com
MEDIA STATEMENT
23.8.2007
ONLY 247 (0.07%) OUT OF 3,164 GRADUATES FROM UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA AND 341 (0.04%) OUT OF 7,591 GRADUATES FROM UNIVERSITY SAINS MALAYSIA ARE INDIANS.
Vide our letter to YAB the Prime Minister yesterday 22.8.2007, we had raised our concerns that it has been reported that out of 7,591 graduates of University Sains Malaysia, only 341 are Indians (Makal Osai 22.8.2007 pg 16). This works out to an average of 0.04% of Indian students in the local public Universities when the Indians they form about 8% of the population.
In today’s Tamil Nesan 23.8.2007 at page 16, it has been reported that out of the 117,075 graduates over 37 years (average of 3,164 graduates per year) who graduated from University Kebangsaan Malaysia only 247 or 0.07% are Indians.
This has in fact dwindled by about 99.8% from 20% in 1956 (Minutes of the Reid Commission meeting with Johor as contained in “Public Forum on 50 years of violations of the Federal Constitution by the Malaysian Government on 28.7.2007 by Hindraf refers) ie over the last 50 years of Merdeka (independence) Is this the fairness your goodself are talking about Mr.Prime Minister?
While the Prime Minister at the officiating of the Malaysian Chinese Association Annual General Assembly proclaimed “Spirit of 57 and Sharing, Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s recipe for Malaysian stakeholders’ (NST 20.8.2007 headlines) “In standing for their individual causes, community leaders must not practice discrimination, he said” (Badawi) “Those who discriminate are unworthy of being leaders’. True patriots are those who consider the needs and feelings of others without discriminating”. “On the issue of power sharing, I have been fair, I want to be fair and I’ll always be fair” Abdullah was given a standing ovation as he returned to his seat. (NST 20.8.2007 pg2)
We regret to note however that the ground reality under the leadership of Y.A.B. the Prime Minister is completely and unjustifiably otherwise.
For your goodselves information, unlike the Malaysian Chinese, the Indians, about 70% of whom are in the poor and hardcore poor category cannot afford private University or overseas university education and the Indians are discriminated against in admissions into the public universities. With no or very little wealth and / or capital the Indians otherwise have very little opportunities for upward mobility both in the public and private sectors or in doing business for that matter let alone participating in the industries and the corporate sector. Their only hope for upward mobility is through higher education. When every other country in the world gives it’s citizens every available opportunity to realise the country’s full potential why dash their (Indian) legitimate hopes? Especially when most of them are hard working but are marginalised primarily because of the lack of opportunities, fair opportunities or equal opportunities.
We humbly call upon the Prime Minister and the UMNO controlled Malaysian government to practice what they preach especially in the week before Malaysia celebrates its 50th Anniversary Golden Jubilee Independence celebrations which the world is watching.
For the 2 Million Indians in Malaysia, there is no Merdeka (independence) until the State stops discriminatory practices against the Indians and they are treated equally as Malaysians.
Thank You,
Yours Faithfully
P. Uthayakumar
Legal Adviser
c.c Y.A.B. DATO’ SERI ABDULLAH AHMAD BADAWI
Prime Minister of Malaysia
Block Utama,
Bangunan Perdana Putra, Fax:03-88883444
Pusat Pentadbiran Kerajaan Persekutuan,
62502 Putrajaya. Email: reduceredtape@pmo.gov.my
Email: abdullah@kdn.gov.my
EQUAL OPPORTUNITIES TO EDUCATION, Budget 2008, Protest Note to Prime Minister 12-9-2007
PROTEST NOTE
“BUDGET 2008,
NO ALLOCATION FOR THE 523 TAMIL SCHOOLS AND THE 70% POOR AND HARDCORE POOR INDIANS”.
To
Y.A.B.DATO SERI ABDULLAH AHMAD BADAWI PRIME MINISTER AND FINANCE MINISTER OF MALAYSIA
DATE : 12.09.2007
TIME : 2.00PM
VENUE : PARLIAMENT HOUSE
BY
HINDRAF
(Hindu Rights Action Force)
No. 135-3-A, Jalan Toman 7,
Kemayan Square,
70200 Seremban, Negeri Sembilan.
Tel : 06-7672995/03-22825421, Fax: 03-22825616
Email waytha@hotmail.com
Website:www.policewatchmalaysia.com
INTRODUCTION
“With all due respect we refer to the above matter and regret to note that for the RM176.9 Billion (NST 8-9-2007 pg 2) 2008 budget proposal tabled in Parliament on 7.9.2007 by your goodself, no specific allocations have been made to make all 523 Tamil schools fully aided and for the 70% poor and hardcore poor Indians to be taken out of poverty.
We applaude the UMNO controlled government’s allocation of RM170 Million allocation for the Orang Asli (native) poor for housing assistance and social amenities. (The Star 8.9.2007 pgN10), RM380 Million allocation for the Sarawak native poor and the RM800, 000 allocation for a pilot project to address orang asli student high drop out rates (NST 9-9-2007 pg3), RM4 Billion has been allocated for projects to improve the quality of life in Sabah and RM4 Billion has been set aside for development projects in Sarawak. However no allocations have been made for the Malaysian Indians, 70% of whom are in the poor and hardcore poor category.
We append hereinbelow the 2008 Budget proposals which obviously leaves the Indians out yet again in the 50th Year of Independence and that also marginalizes Tamil Schools and especially the 70% poor and hardcore poor Indians as follows:-
1. RM12 Billion for implementation of higher education projects and programmes – University Technology Mara will receive a (big) part of the allocation to increase its student enrolment to 200,000 by 2010 (The Star 8.9.2007 pg N8)
2. 480 Million for Giat Mara, Industrial Training Institute (ILP) and National Youth training Institute (NST 8-9-2007 pg 11).
3. RM400 Million to Pelaburan Hartanah Bumiputera Berhad (PHBB) to increase bumiputera property investment in IDR (Iskandar) NST 8-9-2007 pg 10).
4. RM30 Billion for primary and secondary schools, RM500,000.00 for each cluster school for co-curricular activities training and educational equipment (The Star 8-9-2007 pg N6)
5. Cost of living expenses double up to 97% for PSD scholarship students in the US, Britain and Canada (NST 8-9-2007 pg N8)
6. More than 90, 000 students at local higher learning institutions will enjoy a higher cost of living allowance (cola). Students will see an increase from 23% to 84%. (NST 8-9-2007 pg )
7. 2 Billion for government training agencies to produce more and better trained workers (The Star 8-9-2007 pgN12)
8. RM550 Million to upgrage polytechnic and community colleges (NST 8-9-2007 pg N11).
9. RM750 Million for the construction of Advanced Technology Training Centre (ADTEC) in Taiping and on Industrial Training Institute Construction of eight Mara Science Junior Colleges four Mara skills training institutes and 28 Giat Mara centres. (NST 8-9-2007 pg 11).
10. RM100 Million to train 50,000 workers (NST 8-9-2007 pg11).
11. 12 Billion (Weekend Mail 8-9-2007 pg19) for community colleges which will undergo a rebreeding exercise.
12. RM381 Million for implementation of low cost housing, housing programmes- 50 Million allocated to BSN and Bank Islam (The Star 8-9-2007 pg N10) to kick start the scheme beginning 1.1.2008.
13. The RM50 Million fund to guarantee housing loans (The Star 6-9-2007 pg N10) meant for by those without fixed income deliberately and specifically did not include the aging and poor Indian plantation workers who are in need of this very basic necessity the most ie shelter.
14. RM331 Million for poverty eradication programmes. (NST 8/9/2007 pg14)
15. RM680 Million for the construction of rural and village roads, RM462 Million for rural water and electricity supply projects as well as RM70 Million for social amenities and RM15 Million for ICT education in rural areas. (NST 8/9/2007 pg14)
16. RM8 Billion yearly Salary increase.(New Sunday Times 9/9/2007 PG8).
17. RM3.8 Billion to improve facilities and encourage research at Universities (Nst 9/9/2007 pg12)
18. We are disappointed that no provisions were made for the minimum wage of RM1,000.00 per month and the 5 years maternity leave to take care of and to bring up quality children granted to civil servants as announced by your goodselves two (2) weeks ago was not extended to the private sector.
NOTE: THE ABOVE IS DESIGNED / TAILORED TO MERELY
BENEFIT THE ESTIMATED 97% MALAY MUSLIMS).
We note the UMNO controlled government’s “overplaying” and gimmick in the print and electronic media which highlighted the RM60.00 per hour for degree holders and RM50.00 for diploma holders to teach Mandarin or Tamil in National Schools (NST 8-9-2007 pg4) it is estimated that only in 3% of National Schools are Chinese and Tamil thought as a subject during school hours despite the very many repeated empty promises having been made to teach Tamil and Chinese in all national schools over the last 50 years and which is also a main proposal to the Reid Commission in 1956.
VIOLATIONS OF FEDERAL CONSTITUTION
Article 8 of the Federal Constitution provides for Equality before the law “All persons are equal before the law and entitled to the equal protection of the law”.
The Budget 2008 proposal is in direct violation of Article 12 (Rights in respect of education)
“Without prejudice to the generality of Article 8, there shall be no discrimination against any citizen on the grounds only of religion, race, descent or place of birth –
(a) In the administration of any educational institution maintained by a public authority, and in particular the admission of pupils or students or the payment of fees; or
(b) In providing out of the funds of a public authority financial aid for the maintenance or education of pupils or students in any education institution (whether or not maintained by a public authority and whether within or outside the Federation
Even after 50 years of independence, all 523 Tamil schools in Malaysia are yet to be made fully aided on the excuse that most of them are on privately owned land especially plantation land. This problem can be solved by the stoke of a pen by invoking Section 3 of the Land Acquisition Act 1960 and acquiring all the said privately owned land Tamil schools are sitting on and then converting them into fully aided government schools and allocating them a budget befitting of a worthy school and / or being treated equal to a national school.
In any event there are many national schools in privately owned land and being granted full aid by the government but when it comes to Tamil Schools, a different set of rules applies.
Note: The Chinese Schools have the economically powerful business community to help them out financially and most do not need government assistance to be in existence.
APPEAL
We hereby appeal that the budget be adjusted accordingly to include a RM990 Million allocation to “liberate” all 523 Tamil primary schools into fully aided primary schools at least in conjunction with Malaysia having been independent for 50 years and to give effect to your goodselves declaration that “schooling will be totally free in Malaysia, says PM” (NST 8.9.2007 pg2) (which in effect excludes Tamil school pupils) and another 2 Billion (only about 1.2% of the total 2008 budget) to help the 70% poor and hardcore poor Indians out their state of poverty as per the 18 point demand forwarded to your goodselves at Putrajaya on 12.8.2007.
After all in the latest Auditor General’s Audit Report “RM1.4 Billion more (additional has been paid out) for navy vessels “unjustified” (over and above the original purchase price of RM5.35 Billion. (The Sun 11.9.2007 pg5) and an (exorbitant) RM19,000.00 helmet for the Fire and Rescue Department (NST 8/9/2007 pg18)
No allocations have been made to address Indian student high dropout rates from especially primary and secondary schools. We hereby appeal that a further sum of RM100, 000.00 per Tamil school be allocated for this purpose.
CONCLUSION
We understand the government policy of wanting to “memperkasakan” (empower) national schools. Our reply to quote Confuscious is “A thousand mile journey begins with a single step” Stop the institutionalised racial discrimination and Islamic extremism in schools and in the country. Not only the national schools but the whole country would become “diperkasakan” (empowered). After all we are all Malaysians.
Lastly we hereby call upon the UMNO controlled government to treat all Malaysians including the Malaysian Indians as human beings and not as fourth class citizens after the Malays, Chinese and many muslim foreign workers just because the Indians do not have much political, economic or international clout.
Thank You
Yours Faithfully
P.Uthayakumar
Legal Adviser
“BUDGET 2008,
NO ALLOCATION FOR THE 523 TAMIL SCHOOLS AND THE 70% POOR AND HARDCORE POOR INDIANS”.
To
Y.A.B.DATO SERI ABDULLAH AHMAD BADAWI PRIME MINISTER AND FINANCE MINISTER OF MALAYSIA
DATE : 12.09.2007
TIME : 2.00PM
VENUE : PARLIAMENT HOUSE
BY
HINDRAF
(Hindu Rights Action Force)
No. 135-3-A, Jalan Toman 7,
Kemayan Square,
70200 Seremban, Negeri Sembilan.
Tel : 06-7672995/03-22825421, Fax: 03-22825616
Email waytha@hotmail.com
Website:www.policewatchmalaysia.com
INTRODUCTION
“With all due respect we refer to the above matter and regret to note that for the RM176.9 Billion (NST 8-9-2007 pg 2) 2008 budget proposal tabled in Parliament on 7.9.2007 by your goodself, no specific allocations have been made to make all 523 Tamil schools fully aided and for the 70% poor and hardcore poor Indians to be taken out of poverty.
We applaude the UMNO controlled government’s allocation of RM170 Million allocation for the Orang Asli (native) poor for housing assistance and social amenities. (The Star 8.9.2007 pgN10), RM380 Million allocation for the Sarawak native poor and the RM800, 000 allocation for a pilot project to address orang asli student high drop out rates (NST 9-9-2007 pg3), RM4 Billion has been allocated for projects to improve the quality of life in Sabah and RM4 Billion has been set aside for development projects in Sarawak. However no allocations have been made for the Malaysian Indians, 70% of whom are in the poor and hardcore poor category.
We append hereinbelow the 2008 Budget proposals which obviously leaves the Indians out yet again in the 50th Year of Independence and that also marginalizes Tamil Schools and especially the 70% poor and hardcore poor Indians as follows:-
1. RM12 Billion for implementation of higher education projects and programmes – University Technology Mara will receive a (big) part of the allocation to increase its student enrolment to 200,000 by 2010 (The Star 8.9.2007 pg N8)
2. 480 Million for Giat Mara, Industrial Training Institute (ILP) and National Youth training Institute (NST 8-9-2007 pg 11).
3. RM400 Million to Pelaburan Hartanah Bumiputera Berhad (PHBB) to increase bumiputera property investment in IDR (Iskandar) NST 8-9-2007 pg 10).
4. RM30 Billion for primary and secondary schools, RM500,000.00 for each cluster school for co-curricular activities training and educational equipment (The Star 8-9-2007 pg N6)
5. Cost of living expenses double up to 97% for PSD scholarship students in the US, Britain and Canada (NST 8-9-2007 pg N8)
6. More than 90, 000 students at local higher learning institutions will enjoy a higher cost of living allowance (cola). Students will see an increase from 23% to 84%. (NST 8-9-2007 pg )
7. 2 Billion for government training agencies to produce more and better trained workers (The Star 8-9-2007 pgN12)
8. RM550 Million to upgrage polytechnic and community colleges (NST 8-9-2007 pg N11).
9. RM750 Million for the construction of Advanced Technology Training Centre (ADTEC) in Taiping and on Industrial Training Institute Construction of eight Mara Science Junior Colleges four Mara skills training institutes and 28 Giat Mara centres. (NST 8-9-2007 pg 11).
10. RM100 Million to train 50,000 workers (NST 8-9-2007 pg11).
11. 12 Billion (Weekend Mail 8-9-2007 pg19) for community colleges which will undergo a rebreeding exercise.
12. RM381 Million for implementation of low cost housing, housing programmes- 50 Million allocated to BSN and Bank Islam (The Star 8-9-2007 pg N10) to kick start the scheme beginning 1.1.2008.
13. The RM50 Million fund to guarantee housing loans (The Star 6-9-2007 pg N10) meant for by those without fixed income deliberately and specifically did not include the aging and poor Indian plantation workers who are in need of this very basic necessity the most ie shelter.
14. RM331 Million for poverty eradication programmes. (NST 8/9/2007 pg14)
15. RM680 Million for the construction of rural and village roads, RM462 Million for rural water and electricity supply projects as well as RM70 Million for social amenities and RM15 Million for ICT education in rural areas. (NST 8/9/2007 pg14)
16. RM8 Billion yearly Salary increase.(New Sunday Times 9/9/2007 PG8).
17. RM3.8 Billion to improve facilities and encourage research at Universities (Nst 9/9/2007 pg12)
18. We are disappointed that no provisions were made for the minimum wage of RM1,000.00 per month and the 5 years maternity leave to take care of and to bring up quality children granted to civil servants as announced by your goodselves two (2) weeks ago was not extended to the private sector.
NOTE: THE ABOVE IS DESIGNED / TAILORED TO MERELY
BENEFIT THE ESTIMATED 97% MALAY MUSLIMS).
We note the UMNO controlled government’s “overplaying” and gimmick in the print and electronic media which highlighted the RM60.00 per hour for degree holders and RM50.00 for diploma holders to teach Mandarin or Tamil in National Schools (NST 8-9-2007 pg4) it is estimated that only in 3% of National Schools are Chinese and Tamil thought as a subject during school hours despite the very many repeated empty promises having been made to teach Tamil and Chinese in all national schools over the last 50 years and which is also a main proposal to the Reid Commission in 1956.
VIOLATIONS OF FEDERAL CONSTITUTION
Article 8 of the Federal Constitution provides for Equality before the law “All persons are equal before the law and entitled to the equal protection of the law”.
The Budget 2008 proposal is in direct violation of Article 12 (Rights in respect of education)
“Without prejudice to the generality of Article 8, there shall be no discrimination against any citizen on the grounds only of religion, race, descent or place of birth –
(a) In the administration of any educational institution maintained by a public authority, and in particular the admission of pupils or students or the payment of fees; or
(b) In providing out of the funds of a public authority financial aid for the maintenance or education of pupils or students in any education institution (whether or not maintained by a public authority and whether within or outside the Federation
Even after 50 years of independence, all 523 Tamil schools in Malaysia are yet to be made fully aided on the excuse that most of them are on privately owned land especially plantation land. This problem can be solved by the stoke of a pen by invoking Section 3 of the Land Acquisition Act 1960 and acquiring all the said privately owned land Tamil schools are sitting on and then converting them into fully aided government schools and allocating them a budget befitting of a worthy school and / or being treated equal to a national school.
In any event there are many national schools in privately owned land and being granted full aid by the government but when it comes to Tamil Schools, a different set of rules applies.
Note: The Chinese Schools have the economically powerful business community to help them out financially and most do not need government assistance to be in existence.
APPEAL
We hereby appeal that the budget be adjusted accordingly to include a RM990 Million allocation to “liberate” all 523 Tamil primary schools into fully aided primary schools at least in conjunction with Malaysia having been independent for 50 years and to give effect to your goodselves declaration that “schooling will be totally free in Malaysia, says PM” (NST 8.9.2007 pg2) (which in effect excludes Tamil school pupils) and another 2 Billion (only about 1.2% of the total 2008 budget) to help the 70% poor and hardcore poor Indians out their state of poverty as per the 18 point demand forwarded to your goodselves at Putrajaya on 12.8.2007.
After all in the latest Auditor General’s Audit Report “RM1.4 Billion more (additional has been paid out) for navy vessels “unjustified” (over and above the original purchase price of RM5.35 Billion. (The Sun 11.9.2007 pg5) and an (exorbitant) RM19,000.00 helmet for the Fire and Rescue Department (NST 8/9/2007 pg18)
No allocations have been made to address Indian student high dropout rates from especially primary and secondary schools. We hereby appeal that a further sum of RM100, 000.00 per Tamil school be allocated for this purpose.
CONCLUSION
We understand the government policy of wanting to “memperkasakan” (empower) national schools. Our reply to quote Confuscious is “A thousand mile journey begins with a single step” Stop the institutionalised racial discrimination and Islamic extremism in schools and in the country. Not only the national schools but the whole country would become “diperkasakan” (empowered). After all we are all Malaysians.
Lastly we hereby call upon the UMNO controlled government to treat all Malaysians including the Malaysian Indians as human beings and not as fourth class citizens after the Malays, Chinese and many muslim foreign workers just because the Indians do not have much political, economic or international clout.
Thank You
Yours Faithfully
P.Uthayakumar
Legal Adviser
Assessment for Indians in Malaysia
Risk Assessment
The Indians in Malaysia have only one of the factors that increase the likelihood of future protest: significant political restrictions. However, protest is unlikely to escalate beyond moderate levels. Factors that could inhibit protest actions include Malaysia's history of democratic rule, a lack of repressive actions against group members, and no support from kindred groups outside the country.
Analytic Summary
While the Indians are dispersed throughout Malaysia, there are significant concentrations of group members in the country's plantation regions. There has been little group migration across Malaysia since the early 1900s.
The majority of Indians are Hindus (80%) but a minority follows Islam which is the main religion of the dominant Malay community. Most group members speak Tamil instead of the country’s main language, Malay. They are also of a different racial stock than the dominant group, and there has been little or no intermixture
The Indians are primarily the descendants of Tamils who were brought to the Malayan peninsula from southern India during British colonial rule as a source of cheap labor for the plantations on the west coast. The economic status of the group has changed little since colonialism as the Indians remain concentrated in the plantation sector and they are reported to be among the poorest sectors of society.
Relations between Malaysia's two main communities, the majority Malays and the economically dominant Chinese minority, have overshadowed the social and political position of the Indians. Communal distrust between the Malays and Chinese was exacerbated in the post-WW II period as the Chinese supported the communist Malayan Communist Party (MCP) which attempted to seize political power (1948-60).
During the 1969 election campaign, the Indians chose to support Chinese efforts to challenge the political dominance of the Malays. Widespread ethnic rioting between the Chinese and the Malays in the summer of 1969 spread to the Indian community. Some 60,000 Indians chose to emigrate after the Malays quashed the Chinese challenge. By the late 1990s, the Indian proportion of the Malaysian population declined to 8% from a high of more than 15% early in the 20th century.
In 1970, the year following the communal riots, the government enacted the New Economic Policy (NEP). It sought to redress Malay disadvantages through the provision of subsidies to Malay-owned businesses, job quotas, and requirements that non-Chinese personnel be included in new large ventures. The effect of the NEP was to institutionalize the low economic status of the Indians while limiting the economic dominance of the Chinese.
In the past few decades, the Indians have sought to work within the Malay-dominated political system as the main political party, the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), has been a part of the ruling National Front coalition.
The MIC has largely pressed for social and economic assistance for the Indian community. The financial crisis that swept across Asia in the late 1990s had a limited impact on the Indians in comparison to the country's other groups as the Indians were largely exempt from the benefits of Malaysia's rapid economic growth during the previous decade.
The Indian proportion of the Malaysian population continues to decline from a high of more than 15% early in the 20th century to around 8% due to emigration in search of a better livelihood.
The Indians are economically and politically disadvantaged in relation to the country's majority population. They face significant poverty and under-representation in the economic arena due to historical practices by the Malay community.
Their political under-representation is also due to the social practices of the dominant group and there are few public policies that seek to redress Indian disadvantages.
Economic and social issues form the primary grievances of group members. The Indians are seeking a greater share of public funds, more employment and educational opportunities, improved working conditions, especially in the plantation sector, and the protection of their land and jobs from being diverted for the benefit of other communities.
Social issues of particular concern include freedom of religious belief and the promotion of the group's culture including the right to use the Tamil language for educational purposes and in dealings with the government.
The Indians are represented by conventional organizations that draw their support primarily from group members. The main political party is the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) which is a part of the ruling National Front coalition government.
However, the MIC is a junior partner in the ruling coalition and has not been able to influence policy to benefit the Indian community in Malaysia.
Divisions within the MIC in 1989 led disgruntled members to form a new political party, the Malaysian Indian Progressive Front. Smaller parties include the People’s Progressive Party and the Malaysian Indian Muslim Congress (Kimma).
The Indians in Malaysia have only one of the factors that increase the likelihood of future protest: significant political restrictions. However, protest is unlikely to escalate beyond moderate levels. Factors that could inhibit protest actions include Malaysia's history of democratic rule, a lack of repressive actions against group members, and no support from kindred groups outside the country.
Analytic Summary
While the Indians are dispersed throughout Malaysia, there are significant concentrations of group members in the country's plantation regions. There has been little group migration across Malaysia since the early 1900s.
The majority of Indians are Hindus (80%) but a minority follows Islam which is the main religion of the dominant Malay community. Most group members speak Tamil instead of the country’s main language, Malay. They are also of a different racial stock than the dominant group, and there has been little or no intermixture
The Indians are primarily the descendants of Tamils who were brought to the Malayan peninsula from southern India during British colonial rule as a source of cheap labor for the plantations on the west coast. The economic status of the group has changed little since colonialism as the Indians remain concentrated in the plantation sector and they are reported to be among the poorest sectors of society.
Relations between Malaysia's two main communities, the majority Malays and the economically dominant Chinese minority, have overshadowed the social and political position of the Indians. Communal distrust between the Malays and Chinese was exacerbated in the post-WW II period as the Chinese supported the communist Malayan Communist Party (MCP) which attempted to seize political power (1948-60).
During the 1969 election campaign, the Indians chose to support Chinese efforts to challenge the political dominance of the Malays. Widespread ethnic rioting between the Chinese and the Malays in the summer of 1969 spread to the Indian community. Some 60,000 Indians chose to emigrate after the Malays quashed the Chinese challenge. By the late 1990s, the Indian proportion of the Malaysian population declined to 8% from a high of more than 15% early in the 20th century.
In 1970, the year following the communal riots, the government enacted the New Economic Policy (NEP). It sought to redress Malay disadvantages through the provision of subsidies to Malay-owned businesses, job quotas, and requirements that non-Chinese personnel be included in new large ventures. The effect of the NEP was to institutionalize the low economic status of the Indians while limiting the economic dominance of the Chinese.
In the past few decades, the Indians have sought to work within the Malay-dominated political system as the main political party, the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), has been a part of the ruling National Front coalition.
The MIC has largely pressed for social and economic assistance for the Indian community. The financial crisis that swept across Asia in the late 1990s had a limited impact on the Indians in comparison to the country's other groups as the Indians were largely exempt from the benefits of Malaysia's rapid economic growth during the previous decade.
The Indian proportion of the Malaysian population continues to decline from a high of more than 15% early in the 20th century to around 8% due to emigration in search of a better livelihood.
The Indians are economically and politically disadvantaged in relation to the country's majority population. They face significant poverty and under-representation in the economic arena due to historical practices by the Malay community.
Their political under-representation is also due to the social practices of the dominant group and there are few public policies that seek to redress Indian disadvantages.
Economic and social issues form the primary grievances of group members. The Indians are seeking a greater share of public funds, more employment and educational opportunities, improved working conditions, especially in the plantation sector, and the protection of their land and jobs from being diverted for the benefit of other communities.
Social issues of particular concern include freedom of religious belief and the promotion of the group's culture including the right to use the Tamil language for educational purposes and in dealings with the government.
The Indians are represented by conventional organizations that draw their support primarily from group members. The main political party is the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) which is a part of the ruling National Front coalition government.
However, the MIC is a junior partner in the ruling coalition and has not been able to influence policy to benefit the Indian community in Malaysia.
Divisions within the MIC in 1989 led disgruntled members to form a new political party, the Malaysian Indian Progressive Front. Smaller parties include the People’s Progressive Party and the Malaysian Indian Muslim Congress (Kimma).
Keadilan lodges report against Samy Vellu in2004 but no action taken
COPYRIGHT 2004 Financial Times Ltd.
(From Malay Mail)
Byline: Marhalim Abas
KUALA LUMPUR: Parti Keadilan Rakyat yesterday lodged a police report against MIC president Datuk Seri S.
Samy Vellu, alleging he was involved in corrupt practices involving nine million Telekom shares intended for Maika, the party's investment arm.
Keadilan Youth deputy chief Faizal Sanusi lodged the report at Federal police headquarters in Bukit Aman, based on a report dated Sept 15, 1994, which was prepared by MIC headquarters public relations committee chairman V.Subramaniam.
The report was received by chief inspector M.Mariappan of the Bukit Aman public relations branch.
Copies of the documents were distributed to reporters.
When contacted by The Malay Mail, Faizal said they lodged the report yesterday as they only received it last week.
"As The Malay Mail on Dec 10 last year reported that former Maika chairman Tan Sri G.K.Rama Iyer called for re-opening of the Telekom shares issue, we felt that it was a good time to lodge a police report," he said.
"We also felt that as the issue is a matter of public interest, we want the police and the Anti-Corruption Agency to investigate the allegations in the report."
(From Malay Mail)
Byline: Marhalim Abas
KUALA LUMPUR: Parti Keadilan Rakyat yesterday lodged a police report against MIC president Datuk Seri S.
Samy Vellu, alleging he was involved in corrupt practices involving nine million Telekom shares intended for Maika, the party's investment arm.
Keadilan Youth deputy chief Faizal Sanusi lodged the report at Federal police headquarters in Bukit Aman, based on a report dated Sept 15, 1994, which was prepared by MIC headquarters public relations committee chairman V.Subramaniam.
The report was received by chief inspector M.Mariappan of the Bukit Aman public relations branch.
Copies of the documents were distributed to reporters.
When contacted by The Malay Mail, Faizal said they lodged the report yesterday as they only received it last week.
"As The Malay Mail on Dec 10 last year reported that former Maika chairman Tan Sri G.K.Rama Iyer called for re-opening of the Telekom shares issue, we felt that it was a good time to lodge a police report," he said.
"We also felt that as the issue is a matter of public interest, we want the police and the Anti-Corruption Agency to investigate the allegations in the report."
Pak Lah, tell Samy Vellu to step down
I have read Malaysiakini reports regarding the Indian community after the Hindraf rally on Nov 25. Well, I would like to inform you that all the blame should be pointed to one individual.
I would like to state here that the majority of the Indian community are disgusted with the leadership of MIC president S Samy Vellu because despite not doing much for the Indian community during his 29-year tenure, he still insisted that he remain the supreme leader for the Indian community. He said he ‘needed more time’ to uplift the Indian community’s status.
I think Samy Vellu has no self-dignity to make such remarks. The marginalisation of the Indian community would have not occurred if Samy Vellu had placed the Indian community above himself and honesty, service and sacrifice above greed.
The dilemma facing the Indian community will continue as long as it is led by Samy Vellu, because the Indian community’s trust in him is a total failure.
Maika Holdings wiped out millions of dollars – the hard-earned savings of thousands of poor Indians. Investors were left clinging to the valueless Maika shares, their dreams and aspirations destroyed forever. But Samy Vellu planned to sell the Maika shares, worth RM127 million, to a bumiputera company overnight. Luckily, a court order was filed to stop the sale of the shares.
Samy Vellu's asserts that the three percent equity for the Indians had been on the national agenda for a long time. But nothing had been implemented for the community, and the failure to reach that equity level lies wholly with him because he failed to demand it from the government.
On the Tamil school issue, Samy Vellu failed to provide Tamil schools with the same (or equal) facilities granted to other (Malay and Chinese) schools. Facilities at most Tamil schools are very poor and the conditions are very pathetic.
Despite this, he arrogantly stated that he had already spoken to the government to allocate funds for Tamil schools. On Hindu temples, Samy Vellu boldly stated that these temples were in the way of development and had to be demolished. We accept his remarks but no alternative land was allocated and gazetted as Hindu temple reserve land and no funds were granted for the relocation
Samy Vellu claims that the temples demolished were re-sited, but he cannot furnish any documented proof of land or funds granted for these re-sited temples. This is so because the temples that were demolished were not to be rebuilt. He can't cheat the Indian community anymore. Enough is enough.
Samy Vellu has failed miserably in all capacities – he never has had and never will have the ability to restore the Indian community’s dignity in Malaysia.
So, on behalf of Indians, we want the honourable prime minister to ask Samy Vellu to step down and make way for another Indian leader who can work toward the betterment of the Indian community in Malaysia - now and for future generations.
Mr Jeevan
Malaysiakini
Samy Vellu has become a liability to BN, knowing this it would be graveyard for BN to retain Samy Vellu.
I would like to state here that the majority of the Indian community are disgusted with the leadership of MIC president S Samy Vellu because despite not doing much for the Indian community during his 29-year tenure, he still insisted that he remain the supreme leader for the Indian community. He said he ‘needed more time’ to uplift the Indian community’s status.
I think Samy Vellu has no self-dignity to make such remarks. The marginalisation of the Indian community would have not occurred if Samy Vellu had placed the Indian community above himself and honesty, service and sacrifice above greed.
The dilemma facing the Indian community will continue as long as it is led by Samy Vellu, because the Indian community’s trust in him is a total failure.
Maika Holdings wiped out millions of dollars – the hard-earned savings of thousands of poor Indians. Investors were left clinging to the valueless Maika shares, their dreams and aspirations destroyed forever. But Samy Vellu planned to sell the Maika shares, worth RM127 million, to a bumiputera company overnight. Luckily, a court order was filed to stop the sale of the shares.
Samy Vellu's asserts that the three percent equity for the Indians had been on the national agenda for a long time. But nothing had been implemented for the community, and the failure to reach that equity level lies wholly with him because he failed to demand it from the government.
On the Tamil school issue, Samy Vellu failed to provide Tamil schools with the same (or equal) facilities granted to other (Malay and Chinese) schools. Facilities at most Tamil schools are very poor and the conditions are very pathetic.
Despite this, he arrogantly stated that he had already spoken to the government to allocate funds for Tamil schools. On Hindu temples, Samy Vellu boldly stated that these temples were in the way of development and had to be demolished. We accept his remarks but no alternative land was allocated and gazetted as Hindu temple reserve land and no funds were granted for the relocation
Samy Vellu claims that the temples demolished were re-sited, but he cannot furnish any documented proof of land or funds granted for these re-sited temples. This is so because the temples that were demolished were not to be rebuilt. He can't cheat the Indian community anymore. Enough is enough.
Samy Vellu has failed miserably in all capacities – he never has had and never will have the ability to restore the Indian community’s dignity in Malaysia.
So, on behalf of Indians, we want the honourable prime minister to ask Samy Vellu to step down and make way for another Indian leader who can work toward the betterment of the Indian community in Malaysia - now and for future generations.
Mr Jeevan
Malaysiakini
Samy Vellu has become a liability to BN, knowing this it would be graveyard for BN to retain Samy Vellu.
NUMBER OF HINDU TEMPLES DEMOLISHED in 2006 and 2007
FIFTEEN (15) HINDU TEMPLES DEMOLISHED IN THE KLANG VALLEY
1. The Sri Ayyanar Sathiswary Alayam Temple (more than 65 years) Jalan Davies was demolished on 22.2.2006 and the statues buried at site.
2. The Malaimel Sri Selva Kaliamman Temple Pantai(more than 100 years) was demolished on 17.4.2006 by the Kuala Lumpur City Hall.
3. The Vaalmuniswarar Rajaamman Kovil(more than 60 years) at Lady Templer Hospital demolished on the 3.05.2006 by City Hall Kuala Lumpur.
4. Sri Kaliamman temple at Midlands Estate, Seksyen 7, Shah Alam (more than 100 years) was demolished by the Shah Alam City Hall on 9.5.2006.
5. The Sri Balakrishan Muniswarer temple in Setapak (more than 60 years) was partly demolished on 11.05.2006 by the Kuala Lumpur City Hall.
6. The Sri Balakrishan Muniswarer temple in Setapak was completely demolished and deities broken up on 8.6.2006.
7. The demolished Sri Kaliamman temple at Midlands Estate, Seksyen 7, Shah Alam was demolished for a second time on the 12.06.2006 wherein 3 main Hindu deities were hammered and smashed up to pieces with a sledge hammer by the Shah Alam City Council enforcement officers.
8. On 1.08.2006 the Om Sri Sakti Nagamma Allaya Hindu Temple in Taman Sri Manja, PJS 3/30 Petaling Jaya, Selangor was demolished by the Petaling Jaya City Council.
9. Demolishment of the Sri Subramaniam temple in Country Homes, Rawang, Selangor, Malaysia on 29.09.2006.
10. On 31.10.2006 Sri Muniswarar Temple (more than a 100 years old) which was built on private land in Bandar Rinching, Semenyih Selangor was demolished.
11. The demolishment of the Devi Sri Karumaniamman Hindu Temple, Petaling Jaya Utara, Section 21, Kampung Taman Aman on 30.11.2006.
12. On 29.12.2006 Sri Muniswarar Temple (more than a 100 years old) which was built on private land in Bandar Rinching, Semenyih Selangor was demolished.
13. On 22/2/2007 the Sri Maha Nageswari Hindu Temple in Taman Cahaya 7, Ampang, Selangor Darul Ehsan was demolished.
14. On 15.5.2007, the JKR Sri Muniswarar Hindu Temple, Jalan Kapar, Klang was demolished.
15. On 13.6.2007 the Sri Kaliaman Hindu temple in Midlands estate Shah Alam was demolished.
FOUR (4) OTHER DEMOLISHED HINDU TEMPLES LOCATED OUTSIDE KLANG VALLEY BUT WITHIN PENINSULAR MALAYSIA:-
16. The Demolishment of the Sri Maha Sivalingaeswarrar Hindu Temple, Batu 7,Gemas Tampin 10/04/2002.
17. The 80 year old Sri Muthumariamman Alayam Hindu Temple in Skudai JohorBahru was demolished in August 2006.
18. Statutes from Sungai Wangi Mathurai Veeran Temple (60 years old) in Sitiawan, Kampung Tirali, 9th Mile Jalan Air Tawar, Sungai Wangi Estate, Perak were hammered, smashed up and thrown into a drain and temple demolished on 17.10.2006 by the Manjung District Council.
19. The 55 year old Kaliaman Alayam Hindu Temple in Taman Impiana Mengelembuin Ipoh was demolished on 27/11/2006
THIRTY ONE (31) HINDU TEMPLES WITHIN THE KLANG VALLEY THAT HAS BEEN THREATENED WITH DEMOLISHMENT NOTICE:-
20. Kuil Hindu Sri Mariaman di Seksyen 11, Shah Alam has been given notice to the demolished on 26.4.2006 from the Shah Alam Municipal Council.
21. The Sri Maha Mariamman Temple Taman Intan Baiduri Selayang has been given notice to be demolished recently (Nanban June 2006)
22. The Sri Subramaniam Temple Kg.Jawa Klang(107 years old) has been given notice to be demolished (June 2006).
23. The Mariamman Temple Jalan Meru Bandar Setia Alam, Shah Alam (101 years old) has been given notice to be demolished (June 2006)
24. The Kg.Jawa Mariamman Temple (more than 120 years) has been given notice to be demolish (June 2006).
25. The Sri Maha Laxhsmi temple in Sunway has been given notice to be demolished by the Petalaing Jaya City Council in June 2006.
26. The Sri Angineer Temple in Taman Tun Dr. Ismail, Kuala Lumpur built on a private land has been given notice to be demolished by the Kuala Lumpur City Manager(June 2006).
27. Sri Mahamariaman Hindu Temple in Kg Semarak, Old Klang Road has been threatened with demolishment five (5) times before on TOL Land-Nanban(6/7/06) pg. 12
28. Sri Sai Bala Raman Hindu Temple in Klang Jaya is being threatened with demolishment - Nesan (7/7/06)
29. 101 year old Dewi Sri Karumari Aman Temple in 4 1/2 Mile Jalan Meru, Klang was ordered closed by Selangor State Government on 10.07.2006 and thereafter the said temple is threatened to be demolished to make way for housing development.
30. The 101 year old Thevy Sri Karumariamman temple's Bandar Setia Alam, Shah Alam access road to be closed on 10.7.2006 by the Selangor State Government and later to be demolished to make way for a private housing development.
31. Arun Estate Temple in Shah Alam- Nesan (12/7/06) pg. 6
32. In July 2006 the 110 year old Tepi Sungai JKR Mariaman Temple was given notice to be demolished.
33. In July 2006 the Sri Muniswarar temple in Jalan Air Panas Baru Setapak was given notice to be demolished.
34. In July 2006, the Sri Jada Muniswarar Hindu Temple in Danau Kota, Kuala Lumpur was given notice to be demolished.
35. Jedda Manismanar Hindu Temple in Jalan Setapak was informed to vacate is being threatened with demolishment - Nesan(17/8/06)
36. Sri Maha Megeswari Hindu Temple in Lembah Jaya, Ampang is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan(20/8/06)
37. Muniswarar Hindu Temple in Bandar Baru Ampang is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan(20/8/06)
38. Sri Sakti Vinayar Hindu Temple in Kampung Ampang Indah is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan(20/8/06)
39. Mariaman Hindu Temple in Kg Tasik Permai, Ampang is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan(20/8/06)
40. Siti Subramariam Hindu Temple in Kg Tasik Permai, Ampang is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan(20/8/06)
41. Sri Mariaman Temple (60 years old) in Section 18 given notice to relocate on 18/10/2006.
42. Sri Kaliaman Temple (80 years old) in Section 18 given notice to relocate on 18/10/2006.
43. Sri Vinayagar Temple (80 years old) in Section 18 given notice to relocate on 18/10/2006.
44. Sri Mariaman Temple (109 years old) in Section 19 which has a sacred 100 year old tree given notice to relocate on 18/10/2006.
45. Sri Mariaman Temple (100 years old) in Section 15 given notice to relocate on 18/10/2006.
46. Sri Maha Mariaman Hindu Temple in Section 11 given notice to relocate on 18/10/2006.
47. The 80 year old Sri Athi Muniswara Temple in Jalan Semarak, off Jalan Gurney in Kuala Lumpur was given notice to be demolished on 19.10.2006.
48. On 21.11.2006 the Sivaksakthi Linggeswara Hindu Temple in Kampung Tropikana, Jalan Padang Tembak, Subang Jaya given notice to be demolished.
49. The Sri Kamatchie Amman Telecoms Temple Cheras (more than 100 years) is being threatened with demolishment.
50. Despite receiving recognition from UNESCO, Nageswari Hindu Temple in Bangsar is being threatened with demolishment.
SEVENTEEN (17) OTHER HINDU TEMPLES LOCATED OUTSIDE THE KLANG VALLEY BUT WITHIN PENINSULA MALAYSIA THAT HAS BEEN THREATENED WITH DEMOLISHMENT:-
51. The Sri Muniswarar Aalayam Seremban (150 years) and a 150 year old Raintree have been threatened with demolishment since March 2006 by the District and Land Office .
52. On 26.6.2006 the 110 year old the Sri Chinna Karuppan Temple in Masai Johor was given notice to be demolished.
53. The 60 year old Saiva Muniswarar Temple Temple in Sg.Petani Kedah given notice to be demolished (Nanban 29.6.2006 pg 4)
54. Sri Muthumariaman Aman Skudai Hindu Temple (70 years old) in Lindon Estate risks being demolished- Nesan (3/7/06) pg. 7
55. Sri Muniswarar Temple in Slim River- Nesan (14/7/06)
56. On 15.7.2006 the Muniswarar Temple in Sitiawan was given notice to be demolished- Nanban(15/7/06)
57. Hindu Temple is being threatened with demolishment - Nesan (19/7/06) pg. 6
58. Sri Nageswari Amman Alayam Hindu Temple is being threatened with demolishment - Nesan (19/7/06) pg. 6
59. Muniswarar Hindu Temple is being threatened with demolishment - Nesan (19/7/06) pg. 6
60. Sri Sakti Viyanayagar Hindu Temple is being threatened with demolishment - Nesan (19/7/06) pg. 6
61. Sri Maha Mariaman Hindu Temple is being threatened with demolishment - Nesan (19/7/06) pg. 6
62. Sri Subramaniam Hindu Temple is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan (19/7/06) pg. 6
63. Muthu Mariaman Hindu Temple in Liutan Estate Skudai threatened to be demolished on 13.08.06.
64. Sri Subramaniam Hindu Temple in Kampar is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan(21/8/06)
65. Bangi Mariaman Hindu Temple is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan(23/8/06)
66. Taman U Hindu Temple in Skudai, Johor Bahru was on the verge of being demolished when about 600 Hindu devotees protested on 23.08.06.
67. Sri Mathuraimeeran Hindu Temple in Kampar Taman, Sri Wangi is being threatened with demolishment -Nanban(25/8/06).
THREE (3) HINDU TEMPLES THAT HAVE BEEN BURNT TO THE GROUND:-
68. The Ganggai Muthu Karumariaman temple in PMR Batu Buntung Estate Kulim,Kedah on 15.5.2006 was torched by unknown / mysterious criminals.
69. The Sri Kalikambul Kamadeswarar temple in Ebor Estate Batu Tiga, Shah Alam Selangor.
70. The Sri Kalkattha Kaliamman temple in Kampung Sungai Kayu Ara, 47400 Petaling Jaya.
SIX (6) TEMPLES FORCED TO BE RELOCATED NEXT TO SEWERAGE TANKS:-
71. The Sri Muneeswarar JKR Temple, Batu 5/12, Jalan Kapar, 42100 Klang, Selangor (73 years old) was given notice to be demolished forced to be relocated next to a severage tank (June 2006). (Hindraf)
72. Sri Kumaravel Hindu Temple in Kampung Medan, Petaling Jaya, Selangor was forcibly relocated next to a sewarage tank, electric station (TNB) and high voltage cable on 14.07.2006 . (Makkal Osai 15.7.06)
73. Mariaman Hindu Temple in Bukit Beonang, Taman Bukit Melaka forced to relocate next to sewerage tank.(Nanban 25/8/2006)
74. Sri Raja Rajeswarar Hindu Temple in Taman Tunku Jaafar, Senawang, Seremban. (Hindraf)
75. Mariaman and Perumal Hindu Temple in Puchong Perdana, Selangor. (DAP sources)
76. Mariaman Temple in Desa Mewah, Sunway Semenyih forcibly relocated next to a septic tank. (Bandar Rincing, Semenyih Temple Chairman)
THREE (3) HINDU TEMPLES WHERE DEITIES FORCIBLY REMOVED:
77. Statues from 73 year old JKR Sri Muniswarar Temple, Jalan Kapar Klang Temple was forcibly removed and taken away under mysterious circumstances in July 2006.
78. Deities from the Devi Sri Karumariaman Hindu Temple, Petaling Jaya Utara, Section 21, Kampung Taman Aman forcibly removed and left in a construction site.
79. Kaliamman Hindu Temple, Jalan Matin Batu 5 Seremban (more than 28 years) deities and temple bell was removed. (Nanban - 3.9.2006)
1. The Sri Ayyanar Sathiswary Alayam Temple (more than 65 years) Jalan Davies was demolished on 22.2.2006 and the statues buried at site.
2. The Malaimel Sri Selva Kaliamman Temple Pantai(more than 100 years) was demolished on 17.4.2006 by the Kuala Lumpur City Hall.
3. The Vaalmuniswarar Rajaamman Kovil(more than 60 years) at Lady Templer Hospital demolished on the 3.05.2006 by City Hall Kuala Lumpur.
4. Sri Kaliamman temple at Midlands Estate, Seksyen 7, Shah Alam (more than 100 years) was demolished by the Shah Alam City Hall on 9.5.2006.
5. The Sri Balakrishan Muniswarer temple in Setapak (more than 60 years) was partly demolished on 11.05.2006 by the Kuala Lumpur City Hall.
6. The Sri Balakrishan Muniswarer temple in Setapak was completely demolished and deities broken up on 8.6.2006.
7. The demolished Sri Kaliamman temple at Midlands Estate, Seksyen 7, Shah Alam was demolished for a second time on the 12.06.2006 wherein 3 main Hindu deities were hammered and smashed up to pieces with a sledge hammer by the Shah Alam City Council enforcement officers.
8. On 1.08.2006 the Om Sri Sakti Nagamma Allaya Hindu Temple in Taman Sri Manja, PJS 3/30 Petaling Jaya, Selangor was demolished by the Petaling Jaya City Council.
9. Demolishment of the Sri Subramaniam temple in Country Homes, Rawang, Selangor, Malaysia on 29.09.2006.
10. On 31.10.2006 Sri Muniswarar Temple (more than a 100 years old) which was built on private land in Bandar Rinching, Semenyih Selangor was demolished.
11. The demolishment of the Devi Sri Karumaniamman Hindu Temple, Petaling Jaya Utara, Section 21, Kampung Taman Aman on 30.11.2006.
12. On 29.12.2006 Sri Muniswarar Temple (more than a 100 years old) which was built on private land in Bandar Rinching, Semenyih Selangor was demolished.
13. On 22/2/2007 the Sri Maha Nageswari Hindu Temple in Taman Cahaya 7, Ampang, Selangor Darul Ehsan was demolished.
14. On 15.5.2007, the JKR Sri Muniswarar Hindu Temple, Jalan Kapar, Klang was demolished.
15. On 13.6.2007 the Sri Kaliaman Hindu temple in Midlands estate Shah Alam was demolished.
FOUR (4) OTHER DEMOLISHED HINDU TEMPLES LOCATED OUTSIDE KLANG VALLEY BUT WITHIN PENINSULAR MALAYSIA:-
16. The Demolishment of the Sri Maha Sivalingaeswarrar Hindu Temple, Batu 7,Gemas Tampin 10/04/2002.
17. The 80 year old Sri Muthumariamman Alayam Hindu Temple in Skudai JohorBahru was demolished in August 2006.
18. Statutes from Sungai Wangi Mathurai Veeran Temple (60 years old) in Sitiawan, Kampung Tirali, 9th Mile Jalan Air Tawar, Sungai Wangi Estate, Perak were hammered, smashed up and thrown into a drain and temple demolished on 17.10.2006 by the Manjung District Council.
19. The 55 year old Kaliaman Alayam Hindu Temple in Taman Impiana Mengelembuin Ipoh was demolished on 27/11/2006
THIRTY ONE (31) HINDU TEMPLES WITHIN THE KLANG VALLEY THAT HAS BEEN THREATENED WITH DEMOLISHMENT NOTICE:-
20. Kuil Hindu Sri Mariaman di Seksyen 11, Shah Alam has been given notice to the demolished on 26.4.2006 from the Shah Alam Municipal Council.
21. The Sri Maha Mariamman Temple Taman Intan Baiduri Selayang has been given notice to be demolished recently (Nanban June 2006)
22. The Sri Subramaniam Temple Kg.Jawa Klang(107 years old) has been given notice to be demolished (June 2006).
23. The Mariamman Temple Jalan Meru Bandar Setia Alam, Shah Alam (101 years old) has been given notice to be demolished (June 2006)
24. The Kg.Jawa Mariamman Temple (more than 120 years) has been given notice to be demolish (June 2006).
25. The Sri Maha Laxhsmi temple in Sunway has been given notice to be demolished by the Petalaing Jaya City Council in June 2006.
26. The Sri Angineer Temple in Taman Tun Dr. Ismail, Kuala Lumpur built on a private land has been given notice to be demolished by the Kuala Lumpur City Manager(June 2006).
27. Sri Mahamariaman Hindu Temple in Kg Semarak, Old Klang Road has been threatened with demolishment five (5) times before on TOL Land-Nanban(6/7/06) pg. 12
28. Sri Sai Bala Raman Hindu Temple in Klang Jaya is being threatened with demolishment - Nesan (7/7/06)
29. 101 year old Dewi Sri Karumari Aman Temple in 4 1/2 Mile Jalan Meru, Klang was ordered closed by Selangor State Government on 10.07.2006 and thereafter the said temple is threatened to be demolished to make way for housing development.
30. The 101 year old Thevy Sri Karumariamman temple's Bandar Setia Alam, Shah Alam access road to be closed on 10.7.2006 by the Selangor State Government and later to be demolished to make way for a private housing development.
31. Arun Estate Temple in Shah Alam- Nesan (12/7/06) pg. 6
32. In July 2006 the 110 year old Tepi Sungai JKR Mariaman Temple was given notice to be demolished.
33. In July 2006 the Sri Muniswarar temple in Jalan Air Panas Baru Setapak was given notice to be demolished.
34. In July 2006, the Sri Jada Muniswarar Hindu Temple in Danau Kota, Kuala Lumpur was given notice to be demolished.
35. Jedda Manismanar Hindu Temple in Jalan Setapak was informed to vacate is being threatened with demolishment - Nesan(17/8/06)
36. Sri Maha Megeswari Hindu Temple in Lembah Jaya, Ampang is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan(20/8/06)
37. Muniswarar Hindu Temple in Bandar Baru Ampang is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan(20/8/06)
38. Sri Sakti Vinayar Hindu Temple in Kampung Ampang Indah is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan(20/8/06)
39. Mariaman Hindu Temple in Kg Tasik Permai, Ampang is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan(20/8/06)
40. Siti Subramariam Hindu Temple in Kg Tasik Permai, Ampang is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan(20/8/06)
41. Sri Mariaman Temple (60 years old) in Section 18 given notice to relocate on 18/10/2006.
42. Sri Kaliaman Temple (80 years old) in Section 18 given notice to relocate on 18/10/2006.
43. Sri Vinayagar Temple (80 years old) in Section 18 given notice to relocate on 18/10/2006.
44. Sri Mariaman Temple (109 years old) in Section 19 which has a sacred 100 year old tree given notice to relocate on 18/10/2006.
45. Sri Mariaman Temple (100 years old) in Section 15 given notice to relocate on 18/10/2006.
46. Sri Maha Mariaman Hindu Temple in Section 11 given notice to relocate on 18/10/2006.
47. The 80 year old Sri Athi Muniswara Temple in Jalan Semarak, off Jalan Gurney in Kuala Lumpur was given notice to be demolished on 19.10.2006.
48. On 21.11.2006 the Sivaksakthi Linggeswara Hindu Temple in Kampung Tropikana, Jalan Padang Tembak, Subang Jaya given notice to be demolished.
49. The Sri Kamatchie Amman Telecoms Temple Cheras (more than 100 years) is being threatened with demolishment.
50. Despite receiving recognition from UNESCO, Nageswari Hindu Temple in Bangsar is being threatened with demolishment.
SEVENTEEN (17) OTHER HINDU TEMPLES LOCATED OUTSIDE THE KLANG VALLEY BUT WITHIN PENINSULA MALAYSIA THAT HAS BEEN THREATENED WITH DEMOLISHMENT:-
51. The Sri Muniswarar Aalayam Seremban (150 years) and a 150 year old Raintree have been threatened with demolishment since March 2006 by the District and Land Office .
52. On 26.6.2006 the 110 year old the Sri Chinna Karuppan Temple in Masai Johor was given notice to be demolished.
53. The 60 year old Saiva Muniswarar Temple Temple in Sg.Petani Kedah given notice to be demolished (Nanban 29.6.2006 pg 4)
54. Sri Muthumariaman Aman Skudai Hindu Temple (70 years old) in Lindon Estate risks being demolished- Nesan (3/7/06) pg. 7
55. Sri Muniswarar Temple in Slim River- Nesan (14/7/06)
56. On 15.7.2006 the Muniswarar Temple in Sitiawan was given notice to be demolished- Nanban(15/7/06)
57. Hindu Temple is being threatened with demolishment - Nesan (19/7/06) pg. 6
58. Sri Nageswari Amman Alayam Hindu Temple is being threatened with demolishment - Nesan (19/7/06) pg. 6
59. Muniswarar Hindu Temple is being threatened with demolishment - Nesan (19/7/06) pg. 6
60. Sri Sakti Viyanayagar Hindu Temple is being threatened with demolishment - Nesan (19/7/06) pg. 6
61. Sri Maha Mariaman Hindu Temple is being threatened with demolishment - Nesan (19/7/06) pg. 6
62. Sri Subramaniam Hindu Temple is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan (19/7/06) pg. 6
63. Muthu Mariaman Hindu Temple in Liutan Estate Skudai threatened to be demolished on 13.08.06.
64. Sri Subramaniam Hindu Temple in Kampar is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan(21/8/06)
65. Bangi Mariaman Hindu Temple is being threatened with demolishment -Nesan(23/8/06)
66. Taman U Hindu Temple in Skudai, Johor Bahru was on the verge of being demolished when about 600 Hindu devotees protested on 23.08.06.
67. Sri Mathuraimeeran Hindu Temple in Kampar Taman, Sri Wangi is being threatened with demolishment -Nanban(25/8/06).
THREE (3) HINDU TEMPLES THAT HAVE BEEN BURNT TO THE GROUND:-
68. The Ganggai Muthu Karumariaman temple in PMR Batu Buntung Estate Kulim,Kedah on 15.5.2006 was torched by unknown / mysterious criminals.
69. The Sri Kalikambul Kamadeswarar temple in Ebor Estate Batu Tiga, Shah Alam Selangor.
70. The Sri Kalkattha Kaliamman temple in Kampung Sungai Kayu Ara, 47400 Petaling Jaya.
SIX (6) TEMPLES FORCED TO BE RELOCATED NEXT TO SEWERAGE TANKS:-
71. The Sri Muneeswarar JKR Temple, Batu 5/12, Jalan Kapar, 42100 Klang, Selangor (73 years old) was given notice to be demolished forced to be relocated next to a severage tank (June 2006). (Hindraf)
72. Sri Kumaravel Hindu Temple in Kampung Medan, Petaling Jaya, Selangor was forcibly relocated next to a sewarage tank, electric station (TNB) and high voltage cable on 14.07.2006 . (Makkal Osai 15.7.06)
73. Mariaman Hindu Temple in Bukit Beonang, Taman Bukit Melaka forced to relocate next to sewerage tank.(Nanban 25/8/2006)
74. Sri Raja Rajeswarar Hindu Temple in Taman Tunku Jaafar, Senawang, Seremban. (Hindraf)
75. Mariaman and Perumal Hindu Temple in Puchong Perdana, Selangor. (DAP sources)
76. Mariaman Temple in Desa Mewah, Sunway Semenyih forcibly relocated next to a septic tank. (Bandar Rincing, Semenyih Temple Chairman)
THREE (3) HINDU TEMPLES WHERE DEITIES FORCIBLY REMOVED:
77. Statues from 73 year old JKR Sri Muniswarar Temple, Jalan Kapar Klang Temple was forcibly removed and taken away under mysterious circumstances in July 2006.
78. Deities from the Devi Sri Karumariaman Hindu Temple, Petaling Jaya Utara, Section 21, Kampung Taman Aman forcibly removed and left in a construction site.
79. Kaliamman Hindu Temple, Jalan Matin Batu 5 Seremban (more than 28 years) deities and temple bell was removed. (Nanban - 3.9.2006)
MALAYSIAN INDIANS: The third class race
“A race of people is like an individual man: until it uses its own talent, takes pride in its history, expresses its own culture and affirm its own selfhood, it cannot fulfill itself” --- Malcom X
The third largest ethnic group in Malaysia after the Chinese and the Malays are the Malaysian Indians. Despite the fact that the Indians constitute about 8% of the country’s population of 22 million they own less than 2% of its national wealth. According to The Economist (22nd Feb 2003), “they make up 14% of its juvenile delinquents, 20% of its wife and child beaters and 41% of its beggars. They make up less than 5% of the successful university applicants.” The story of the Indians has been a case of progressive deterioration from the time Malaysia became independent in 1957.
The mass Indian (South Indian) immigration can be traced back to the early 20th century when the Britishers brought them to meet the labour force requirements in the colonial public services and in private plantations. While the bulk of the Tamils were employed in the plantations, the Sri Lankan Tamils and Malayalees were in supervisory or clerical positions. Of the North Indians, the Punjabis were in the police force, while the Gujaratis and Sindhis were in the business (mostly textiles). Despite the mass exodus of South Indians back to India after independence and after the racial riots of May 1969, the Tamils (South Indians) constitute about 80% of the total Indian community.
The Indians themselves are to some extent responsible for their present unenviable and ignominious status, and the policies of the Malaysian Government since independence had not been helpful either. Ignorance born out of poverty in the plantations resulted in many of them not getting citizenship which was offered in 1957 when Malaysia became independent. This prevented them from getting jobs.
A major setback for the Indian labour force was the steady closure of the rubber plantations giving way to tea and oil palm plantations. Their numbers started dwindling and they had competition from the illegal Indonesian immigrants. Unlike the Chinese who lay great emphasis on education, it was not given due importance by the Indian working class. The Tamil schools in the estates were often mere apologies and offered no opportunity for progress in higher education. The undue importance on Tamil education has also weakened the Indian community in competing with the indigenous Malays and the Chinese. One of the major reasons for the low percentage of Indian origin students in the tertiary institutions in the country is the lack of merit and as a result, even the quotas set for the Indians remain unutilised.
Despite their economic backwardness, the Indians were a peace loving people and were not involved in any racial riots either in May 1969 or later except for a few incidents of clashes on account of religious sentiments. However in March 2001, the ethnic clashes between Indians and Malays in a village in the outskirts of Kuala Lumpur, brought into focus the plight of the Indian community in Malaysia. The incident has since been forgotten on the assumption that the clashes resulted on account of poor living conditions in the villages than the racial differences. There has been no introspection of this incident by the Government or by the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), the leading political party of the Indians.
The MIC, a constituent of the coalition government at the center since independence does not have much political clout and has not been able to do anything substantial to improve the lot of the Indians. Datuk Seri Samy Vellu is the President of the MIC since 1979. Charles Santiago, a Malaysian economic consultant, in an interview on 5 Feb. 2003 to Radio Australia (Asia Pacific) said “ He (Samy Vellu) is in, very much in control of the party, and the party’s run almost on feudal organisation where almost all the decisions are made by the President himself…. A lot of Indians are critical of MIC’s role in the coalition government … the Indian middle class dose not want to associate itself in the MIC and largely making the MIC a working class party." This in brief sums up the state of affairs of the leading Indian party and its leader in the coalition government.
On January 9, 2003, India celebrated the Parvasi Bhartiya Divas (Day of the Persons of the Indian origin and Non resident Indians), and ten eminent persons of Indian origin were given the Indian Diaspora award. Datuk Seri Samy Vellu was one among them. One wonders whether Government of India made any enquiry about Datuk Seri Samy Vellu's contributions to the Malaysian Indians. Referring to the grand mela organised by Government of India for the people of Indian origin, Dr. P. Ramasamy of Malaysia in a letter to the Far Eastern Economic Review (Feb., 27, 2003) said “like previous (Indian) governments it continues to betray the interest and welfare of million of Indians locked in poverty and misery overseas…. It wants to develop the links with the wealthy segments of the overseas Indian community while turning a blind eye at the less savory side of the diaspora.”
The Malaysian Government policies since independence have also been consistently to the detriment of the non-Malays in general though the Indian community seems to be most hard hit. The first major step was the introduction of work permits for the non-citizens when a majority of Indian workers had not obtained Malaysian citizenship. Subsequently in 1971 with its New Economic Policy, the Government championed the cause of the Malays by the policy of "Bumiputras"(sons of the soil). The Bumiputras were to have a major share in the public sector while the private sector remained secure with the Chinese. The introduction of quotas for the different races in the educational institutions has also adversely affected the Indian community. The New Development Plan for the period 1991-2000 was also designed to achieve the socio-economic upliftment of the Bumiputras and the MIC’s efforts to place the Indians in a separate ethnic grouping seems to have made no headway with the Malaysian Government. Being a minority, they do not have the numerical strength to exert any political influence nor do they make any significant contribution to the national economy. The ruling government’s apathy to the Indians is therefore understandable.
But what about the leaders like Samy Vellu and what has been their contribution towards the alleviation of poverty of the poor people of Indian origin? There has been none.
The following observations elucidate some of the reasons for the current state of the Indians and the bleak chances of their betterment:
*"Malaysians have failed to integrate in any meaningful fashion, even after almost 50 years of independence.” – Edmund Terrence Gomez in the book “ Ethnic Futures – The state and identity politics in Asia”
* ‘Indians have little prospect of advancement, since Malaysia’s Chinese minority dominates business and Malays control the bureaucracy”- P.Ramasamy (The Economist 22nd February 2003).
* “Despite the country’s veneer of racial harmony and opportunity for all, many in the Indian community have limited access to housing , education and jobs. About 54% of Malaysian Indians work on plantations , or as urban labourers and their wages have not kept up with the times.” –Santha Oorjitham (Asiaweek January 26, 2001).
* “The Scope of government help (to the Indians) is also limited by the realities of the race politics in Malaysia, which effectively means the problems of the majority Malays will always come ahead of those of the Indians”. – Simon Elegant (FEER April 20, 2000).
* “Malaysia’s Indians are at the bottom of the country’s social and economic scale and their ebullient yet stubborn political leader Samy Vellu is not helping matters”. Simon Elegant (FEER April 20, 2000)
Conclusion.
The plight of the Malaysian Indians can be attributed in part to a dependency mindset nurtured on the plantations and this has to be overcome. There is a significant and emergent need for a change in the leadership of the Indian parties in power to take up the cause of the Indians to get them their due rights free from racial discrimination and have full access to jobs and education. As proposed in the Conference on the “The Malaysian Indian in the new millennium –rebuilding the Community” held at Kuala Lumpur in June 2002, problems such as the loss of self esteem within the community, external derision and the absence of unifying factors to forge a single identity have to be addressed by the leading cultural, social and political institutions and embark on an action plan. However the effort has to come from within the community and has to be sustained as such deliberations have been there in the past also with no major impact on the Government.
Till now the Indian Government has done very little in this regard. Since the Government of India has now embarked upon a programme for interacting with the Overseas Indians, especially with the affluent sections in the Western nations, it should also look after the interests of the under privileged Overseas Indians in countries like Malaysia. As part of the “ Look East” policy interaction with Malaysia especially in the field of education will be beneficial to the Indian community. The High Commission of India in Kuala Lumpur used to award scholarships to the poorer sections of the Indian community in the late 80’s. The system , if continuing, can be augmented further to help the community. Setting up IIT type institutions and exchange programmes can also be considered. There is need to make a proper selection and not go by the recommendations of the big wigs.
As of now the problems faced by the Malaysian Indians are not being attended to by the Malaysian Government nor does the community have the economic or political clout to demand their redressal. One wonders whether the Indians belong to the third major race or to a third class race in the country. We are not aware what recommendations the High Power Committee of Government of India ( really high powered with extensive tours all over the world, five star hotels and lavish receptions etc) have made for the poorer sections of the Indian community abroad. Acceptance of the dual citizenship for a selected class is not going to be helpful either for this hapless lot.
The third largest ethnic group in Malaysia after the Chinese and the Malays are the Malaysian Indians. Despite the fact that the Indians constitute about 8% of the country’s population of 22 million they own less than 2% of its national wealth. According to The Economist (22nd Feb 2003), “they make up 14% of its juvenile delinquents, 20% of its wife and child beaters and 41% of its beggars. They make up less than 5% of the successful university applicants.” The story of the Indians has been a case of progressive deterioration from the time Malaysia became independent in 1957.
The mass Indian (South Indian) immigration can be traced back to the early 20th century when the Britishers brought them to meet the labour force requirements in the colonial public services and in private plantations. While the bulk of the Tamils were employed in the plantations, the Sri Lankan Tamils and Malayalees were in supervisory or clerical positions. Of the North Indians, the Punjabis were in the police force, while the Gujaratis and Sindhis were in the business (mostly textiles). Despite the mass exodus of South Indians back to India after independence and after the racial riots of May 1969, the Tamils (South Indians) constitute about 80% of the total Indian community.
The Indians themselves are to some extent responsible for their present unenviable and ignominious status, and the policies of the Malaysian Government since independence had not been helpful either. Ignorance born out of poverty in the plantations resulted in many of them not getting citizenship which was offered in 1957 when Malaysia became independent. This prevented them from getting jobs.
A major setback for the Indian labour force was the steady closure of the rubber plantations giving way to tea and oil palm plantations. Their numbers started dwindling and they had competition from the illegal Indonesian immigrants. Unlike the Chinese who lay great emphasis on education, it was not given due importance by the Indian working class. The Tamil schools in the estates were often mere apologies and offered no opportunity for progress in higher education. The undue importance on Tamil education has also weakened the Indian community in competing with the indigenous Malays and the Chinese. One of the major reasons for the low percentage of Indian origin students in the tertiary institutions in the country is the lack of merit and as a result, even the quotas set for the Indians remain unutilised.
Despite their economic backwardness, the Indians were a peace loving people and were not involved in any racial riots either in May 1969 or later except for a few incidents of clashes on account of religious sentiments. However in March 2001, the ethnic clashes between Indians and Malays in a village in the outskirts of Kuala Lumpur, brought into focus the plight of the Indian community in Malaysia. The incident has since been forgotten on the assumption that the clashes resulted on account of poor living conditions in the villages than the racial differences. There has been no introspection of this incident by the Government or by the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), the leading political party of the Indians.
The MIC, a constituent of the coalition government at the center since independence does not have much political clout and has not been able to do anything substantial to improve the lot of the Indians. Datuk Seri Samy Vellu is the President of the MIC since 1979. Charles Santiago, a Malaysian economic consultant, in an interview on 5 Feb. 2003 to Radio Australia (Asia Pacific) said “ He (Samy Vellu) is in, very much in control of the party, and the party’s run almost on feudal organisation where almost all the decisions are made by the President himself…. A lot of Indians are critical of MIC’s role in the coalition government … the Indian middle class dose not want to associate itself in the MIC and largely making the MIC a working class party." This in brief sums up the state of affairs of the leading Indian party and its leader in the coalition government.
On January 9, 2003, India celebrated the Parvasi Bhartiya Divas (Day of the Persons of the Indian origin and Non resident Indians), and ten eminent persons of Indian origin were given the Indian Diaspora award. Datuk Seri Samy Vellu was one among them. One wonders whether Government of India made any enquiry about Datuk Seri Samy Vellu's contributions to the Malaysian Indians. Referring to the grand mela organised by Government of India for the people of Indian origin, Dr. P. Ramasamy of Malaysia in a letter to the Far Eastern Economic Review (Feb., 27, 2003) said “like previous (Indian) governments it continues to betray the interest and welfare of million of Indians locked in poverty and misery overseas…. It wants to develop the links with the wealthy segments of the overseas Indian community while turning a blind eye at the less savory side of the diaspora.”
The Malaysian Government policies since independence have also been consistently to the detriment of the non-Malays in general though the Indian community seems to be most hard hit. The first major step was the introduction of work permits for the non-citizens when a majority of Indian workers had not obtained Malaysian citizenship. Subsequently in 1971 with its New Economic Policy, the Government championed the cause of the Malays by the policy of "Bumiputras"(sons of the soil). The Bumiputras were to have a major share in the public sector while the private sector remained secure with the Chinese. The introduction of quotas for the different races in the educational institutions has also adversely affected the Indian community. The New Development Plan for the period 1991-2000 was also designed to achieve the socio-economic upliftment of the Bumiputras and the MIC’s efforts to place the Indians in a separate ethnic grouping seems to have made no headway with the Malaysian Government. Being a minority, they do not have the numerical strength to exert any political influence nor do they make any significant contribution to the national economy. The ruling government’s apathy to the Indians is therefore understandable.
But what about the leaders like Samy Vellu and what has been their contribution towards the alleviation of poverty of the poor people of Indian origin? There has been none.
The following observations elucidate some of the reasons for the current state of the Indians and the bleak chances of their betterment:
*"Malaysians have failed to integrate in any meaningful fashion, even after almost 50 years of independence.” – Edmund Terrence Gomez in the book “ Ethnic Futures – The state and identity politics in Asia”
* ‘Indians have little prospect of advancement, since Malaysia’s Chinese minority dominates business and Malays control the bureaucracy”- P.Ramasamy (The Economist 22nd February 2003).
* “Despite the country’s veneer of racial harmony and opportunity for all, many in the Indian community have limited access to housing , education and jobs. About 54% of Malaysian Indians work on plantations , or as urban labourers and their wages have not kept up with the times.” –Santha Oorjitham (Asiaweek January 26, 2001).
* “The Scope of government help (to the Indians) is also limited by the realities of the race politics in Malaysia, which effectively means the problems of the majority Malays will always come ahead of those of the Indians”. – Simon Elegant (FEER April 20, 2000).
* “Malaysia’s Indians are at the bottom of the country’s social and economic scale and their ebullient yet stubborn political leader Samy Vellu is not helping matters”. Simon Elegant (FEER April 20, 2000)
Conclusion.
The plight of the Malaysian Indians can be attributed in part to a dependency mindset nurtured on the plantations and this has to be overcome. There is a significant and emergent need for a change in the leadership of the Indian parties in power to take up the cause of the Indians to get them their due rights free from racial discrimination and have full access to jobs and education. As proposed in the Conference on the “The Malaysian Indian in the new millennium –rebuilding the Community” held at Kuala Lumpur in June 2002, problems such as the loss of self esteem within the community, external derision and the absence of unifying factors to forge a single identity have to be addressed by the leading cultural, social and political institutions and embark on an action plan. However the effort has to come from within the community and has to be sustained as such deliberations have been there in the past also with no major impact on the Government.
Till now the Indian Government has done very little in this regard. Since the Government of India has now embarked upon a programme for interacting with the Overseas Indians, especially with the affluent sections in the Western nations, it should also look after the interests of the under privileged Overseas Indians in countries like Malaysia. As part of the “ Look East” policy interaction with Malaysia especially in the field of education will be beneficial to the Indian community. The High Commission of India in Kuala Lumpur used to award scholarships to the poorer sections of the Indian community in the late 80’s. The system , if continuing, can be augmented further to help the community. Setting up IIT type institutions and exchange programmes can also be considered. There is need to make a proper selection and not go by the recommendations of the big wigs.
As of now the problems faced by the Malaysian Indians are not being attended to by the Malaysian Government nor does the community have the economic or political clout to demand their redressal. One wonders whether the Indians belong to the third major race or to a third class race in the country. We are not aware what recommendations the High Power Committee of Government of India ( really high powered with extensive tours all over the world, five star hotels and lavish receptions etc) have made for the poorer sections of the Indian community abroad. Acceptance of the dual citizenship for a selected class is not going to be helpful either for this hapless lot.
Is Samy Vellu relevant for the future generations - REASONS WHY HE IS NOT FIT TO BE A LEADER
1. WE NEED A LEADER WHO CAN CREATE WEALTH FOR THE INDIANS AND NOT TO DESTROY THEM.
2. WE NEED A LEADER WHO CAN LEAD AND GUIDE US TO BE A BUSINESS COMMUNITY.
3. WE NEED A LEADER TO FIGHT FOR THE RIGHTS OF THE MINORITY.
4. WE NEED A LEADER WHO CAN PROMISE A BRIGHTER FUTURE FOR THE INDIANS.
5. WE NEED A LEADER WHO HAS A VISION FOR A SOCIETY.
6. WE NEED A LEADER WHO HAS AN AGENDA FOR ITS SOCIETY.
7. WE NEED A LEADER WHO CAN TAKE CARE OF THE POOR PEOPLE LIVING IN THE DARK.
8. WE WANT A LEADER WHO IS AMBITIOUS.
9. WE NEED A YOUNG BLOOD.
10. WE WANT AN EDUCATED, HUMBLE AND HONEST LEADER AND NOT A GANGSTERS
11. WE DONT NEED A LEADER WITH EMPTY PROMISES
12. WE DONT NEED A CORRUPT LEADER
1. Since holding his post as Works Minister of Malaysia, Samy Vellu is alleged to have been involved in several money scandals and work defects in several prominent construction projects in Malaysia by cover up the bumiputera contractor anc companies, which included the discovery of fungus growing in the air-conditioning system of the operating theatre in the Sultan Ismail Hospital in Johor Bahru as well as long closure cracks on MRR2, an overpass highway in Ampang.
2. Samy Vellu is often accused of sucking up shares of many of Malaysia's companies
3. And the MAIKA Telecom Share Scandal continues to haunt him. Samy Vellu is alleged to have siphoned off 9 million (of the original 10 million) Telekom shares that were allocated to MAIKA. He had allegedly used three companies -- Clearway Sdn. Bhd., S.B. Management Services, and Advance Personal Computers Bhd. -- linked to Samy Vellu, his son S. Vell Paari, and brother-in-law to carry out his misdeed. When the scandal broke in mid-1992, the shares were valued at RM 120 million.
4. In 1994, the then Chairman of the MIC Public Claims Committee, V Subramaniam (aka "Barat" Maniam), charged that the accounts have been fabricated to make it appear that the profits from the sale of the Telekom shares were channelled to MIED. He declared, "Samy Vellu is a thief. He has stolen (Telekom) shares from the Indian community.
5. Some believe that Samy Vellu had sold the Indian-Malaysian community off in order to save himself from the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Agency. They allege that he did not do enough or protested loud enough when the Indian-Malaysian situation worsened, or when the Malaysian government dissolved the South Indian Labour Fund.
6. Currently, he has committed his energy to building the Asian Institute of Medicine, Science and Technology (AIMST). However, AIMST, built with donations collected from the Indian-Malaysian community, too, is riddled in controversy, as its shares are owned by Samy Vellu's associates, Tan Sri K. Ambikaipakan and Datuk Dr. T. Marimuthu.
7. With regards to the Middle Ring Road 2 (MRR2), on August the 10th 2004, the Works Minister reminded the public that the cracks were not due to design flaws and "nobody can simply open their mouth and suggest it is design flaw" (Bernama 10 Aug 2004). However, findings from Halcrow Consultants Ltd suggested design deficiencies and the improper anchoring of the column rebar to the crossbeams were responsible for cracks(NSTP 1 Oct 2004).
He has been criticized by his voters for permitting a construction of an elevated highway that cuts through a residential area near Sri Petaling[11]. Despite local protests, he has ordered the construction to continue.
8. Samy Vellu is also often criticised for his leadership style. As one critic put it, "He (Samy Vellu) is very much in control of the party (MIC), and the party's run almost [as a] feudal organisation where almost all decisions are made by the President himself. A lot of Indians are critical of MIC's role in the coalition government ... the Indian middle class does not want to associate itself in the MIC and largely making the MIC a working class party."
9. There have also been allegations that Samy Vellu uses thugs to intimidate his political opponents, and that he uses phantom voters to win elections both at the party and the parliamentary levels
10. A petition by Samy Vellu's challenger, Dr Jeyakumar Devaraj, to the election court alleging electoral fraud during the 1998 General Election at Sungai Siput constituency, however, was dismissed by the presiding judge, Justice Wan Adnan, on technical grounds.
2. WE NEED A LEADER WHO CAN LEAD AND GUIDE US TO BE A BUSINESS COMMUNITY.
3. WE NEED A LEADER TO FIGHT FOR THE RIGHTS OF THE MINORITY.
4. WE NEED A LEADER WHO CAN PROMISE A BRIGHTER FUTURE FOR THE INDIANS.
5. WE NEED A LEADER WHO HAS A VISION FOR A SOCIETY.
6. WE NEED A LEADER WHO HAS AN AGENDA FOR ITS SOCIETY.
7. WE NEED A LEADER WHO CAN TAKE CARE OF THE POOR PEOPLE LIVING IN THE DARK.
8. WE WANT A LEADER WHO IS AMBITIOUS.
9. WE NEED A YOUNG BLOOD.
10. WE WANT AN EDUCATED, HUMBLE AND HONEST LEADER AND NOT A GANGSTERS
11. WE DONT NEED A LEADER WITH EMPTY PROMISES
12. WE DONT NEED A CORRUPT LEADER
1. Since holding his post as Works Minister of Malaysia, Samy Vellu is alleged to have been involved in several money scandals and work defects in several prominent construction projects in Malaysia by cover up the bumiputera contractor anc companies, which included the discovery of fungus growing in the air-conditioning system of the operating theatre in the Sultan Ismail Hospital in Johor Bahru as well as long closure cracks on MRR2, an overpass highway in Ampang.
2. Samy Vellu is often accused of sucking up shares of many of Malaysia's companies
3. And the MAIKA Telecom Share Scandal continues to haunt him. Samy Vellu is alleged to have siphoned off 9 million (of the original 10 million) Telekom shares that were allocated to MAIKA. He had allegedly used three companies -- Clearway Sdn. Bhd., S.B. Management Services, and Advance Personal Computers Bhd. -- linked to Samy Vellu, his son S. Vell Paari, and brother-in-law to carry out his misdeed. When the scandal broke in mid-1992, the shares were valued at RM 120 million.
4. In 1994, the then Chairman of the MIC Public Claims Committee, V Subramaniam (aka "Barat" Maniam), charged that the accounts have been fabricated to make it appear that the profits from the sale of the Telekom shares were channelled to MIED. He declared, "Samy Vellu is a thief. He has stolen (Telekom) shares from the Indian community.
5. Some believe that Samy Vellu had sold the Indian-Malaysian community off in order to save himself from the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Agency. They allege that he did not do enough or protested loud enough when the Indian-Malaysian situation worsened, or when the Malaysian government dissolved the South Indian Labour Fund.
6. Currently, he has committed his energy to building the Asian Institute of Medicine, Science and Technology (AIMST). However, AIMST, built with donations collected from the Indian-Malaysian community, too, is riddled in controversy, as its shares are owned by Samy Vellu's associates, Tan Sri K. Ambikaipakan and Datuk Dr. T. Marimuthu.
7. With regards to the Middle Ring Road 2 (MRR2), on August the 10th 2004, the Works Minister reminded the public that the cracks were not due to design flaws and "nobody can simply open their mouth and suggest it is design flaw" (Bernama 10 Aug 2004). However, findings from Halcrow Consultants Ltd suggested design deficiencies and the improper anchoring of the column rebar to the crossbeams were responsible for cracks(NSTP 1 Oct 2004).
He has been criticized by his voters for permitting a construction of an elevated highway that cuts through a residential area near Sri Petaling[11]. Despite local protests, he has ordered the construction to continue.
8. Samy Vellu is also often criticised for his leadership style. As one critic put it, "He (Samy Vellu) is very much in control of the party (MIC), and the party's run almost [as a] feudal organisation where almost all decisions are made by the President himself. A lot of Indians are critical of MIC's role in the coalition government ... the Indian middle class does not want to associate itself in the MIC and largely making the MIC a working class party."
9. There have also been allegations that Samy Vellu uses thugs to intimidate his political opponents, and that he uses phantom voters to win elections both at the party and the parliamentary levels
10. A petition by Samy Vellu's challenger, Dr Jeyakumar Devaraj, to the election court alleging electoral fraud during the 1998 General Election at Sungai Siput constituency, however, was dismissed by the presiding judge, Justice Wan Adnan, on technical grounds.
What is wrong with the NEP?
When the NEP was first introduced in 1970, soon after the infamous racial riots, the bumiputeras had only 2.4 per cent equity ownership in Malaysian companies.
After 20 years, in 1990, it was acknowledged that the bumiputras had 19.4 per cent equity and they needed the continuance of the NEP.
In 2005, at the 56th UMNO general assembly, its youth leader, Hishamuddin Hussein, raised his keris to demand their bumiputera rights of the NEP because they have only 18.9 per cent equity.
Why would they have less than what they had 15 years ago when the Government has not stopped handing out goodies to the bumiputeras all along?
How can this be possible?
Asli's report
Ever since the publication of the finding of the Asian Strategy and Leadership Institute (Asli) that the bumiputeras already own 45 per cent equity, many bumiputera leaders, including Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, openly disputed the study’s accuracy.
UMNO vice president, Muhyiddin, said that the finding was rubbish and demanded that Asli retract it before it upsets the racial harmony. He must bear in mind that the continuance of the NEP (Never Ending Policy) also upsets the non-bumiputeras.
Emotions over the NEP have overcome our reasoning; and many people are shocked to read that Asli had withdrawn its contentious report under political pressure. Nevertheless, many still believe Asli’s findings and the learned people, who are behind Asli, are prepared to stand by their report. In fact, Asli has been closely watching the NEP issue for many years and their intention is honourable.
Asli is not against the government; it merely wants to ensure Malaysia progresses in the right direction and UMNO leaders should take advantage of their findings.
In fact, we must admire Dr. Lim Teck Ghee, the director of Asli’s Centre for Public Policy Studies for his integrity in standing by his report and defending his findings with his resignation. He told the media, ‘It is the fundamental right of the Malaysian public to question all government statistics and policies, more so when these are not transparent or defensible.’ He also stressed that no other country in the world has seen a marginalised community, such as the Malays, come up so quickly and attain this position of economic, social and political dominance or success.
Regardless of what Dr. Lim, Lee Kuan Yew, and all the UMNO leaders might have to say, the rating agencies in the United Nations, the World Bank and all fair-minded Malaysians have their own opinion. The fact is, the bad publicity created by this controversy is driving foreign investors away as shown by our current slow-paced stock market index while most of
After 20 years, in 1990, it was acknowledged that the bumiputras had 19.4 per cent equity and they needed the continuance of the NEP.
In 2005, at the 56th UMNO general assembly, its youth leader, Hishamuddin Hussein, raised his keris to demand their bumiputera rights of the NEP because they have only 18.9 per cent equity.
Why would they have less than what they had 15 years ago when the Government has not stopped handing out goodies to the bumiputeras all along?
How can this be possible?
Asli's report
Ever since the publication of the finding of the Asian Strategy and Leadership Institute (Asli) that the bumiputeras already own 45 per cent equity, many bumiputera leaders, including Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, openly disputed the study’s accuracy.
UMNO vice president, Muhyiddin, said that the finding was rubbish and demanded that Asli retract it before it upsets the racial harmony. He must bear in mind that the continuance of the NEP (Never Ending Policy) also upsets the non-bumiputeras.
Emotions over the NEP have overcome our reasoning; and many people are shocked to read that Asli had withdrawn its contentious report under political pressure. Nevertheless, many still believe Asli’s findings and the learned people, who are behind Asli, are prepared to stand by their report. In fact, Asli has been closely watching the NEP issue for many years and their intention is honourable.
Asli is not against the government; it merely wants to ensure Malaysia progresses in the right direction and UMNO leaders should take advantage of their findings.
In fact, we must admire Dr. Lim Teck Ghee, the director of Asli’s Centre for Public Policy Studies for his integrity in standing by his report and defending his findings with his resignation. He told the media, ‘It is the fundamental right of the Malaysian public to question all government statistics and policies, more so when these are not transparent or defensible.’ He also stressed that no other country in the world has seen a marginalised community, such as the Malays, come up so quickly and attain this position of economic, social and political dominance or success.
Regardless of what Dr. Lim, Lee Kuan Yew, and all the UMNO leaders might have to say, the rating agencies in the United Nations, the World Bank and all fair-minded Malaysians have their own opinion. The fact is, the bad publicity created by this controversy is driving foreign investors away as shown by our current slow-paced stock market index while most of
















