KUALA LUMPUR: The contrast yesterday could not have been more striking.
There he was looking tired, spent, raiding a bare cupboard to justify his 5 ½ years in office and looking forward to a life of gardening with his wife. At the age of 73.
There he was looking sprightly, combative, ready to clock 12 hour days in the office and looking forward to another shot at public service, another short of salvaging his legacy. At the age of 84.
The contrast could not have been more striking.
Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi looked and sounded like a defeated man in his farewell interview with Mingguan Malaysia, a man exiting the main stage with a whimper.
The man who forced him out, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad looked and sounded like a politician ready for another tour of duty in his series of newspaper interviews and address to Malay right-wing group Perkasa.
The attempt to put a gloss on Abdullah’s years as prime minister has started.
From his replies, it is clear that he truly believes that Islam Hadhari, fiscal prudence , the Judicial Appointments Commission, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission and opening up of discourse here will burnish his legacy.
Newspapers are ready to publish articles on the high points of the Abdullah era.
Utusan Malaysia is proposing that he be feted like a statesman when he leaves office on April 3. But if Malaysians are honest; if his supporters are honest; if Abdullah is honest, his five years in office should be headlined: The Missed Opportunity.
If it seems that he and his supporters are scrapping the barrel to prop him up as a top notch leader, it is because they are.
His failings become obvious when his time in office is measured against the likes of Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak, Tun Hussein Onn and Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
Historians may rank him joint fourth or fifth in terms of achievements, fulfilling promises and utilising a mandate.
Look at what his competition achieved:
Tunku Abdul Rahman — Delivered independence for the country, embraced the idea of the Alliance and never once forgot that he was the leader of all Malayans/Malaysians. Because he and other early Umno politicians like Tun Dr Ismail and Tun Abdul Razak were fair and honest men, non-Malays were happy to accept the leadership of Umno.
The independence of institutions was respected during his time and there was a respect for the separation of powers by the government.
Tun Abdul Razak — He crafted policies and ideas which helped Malaysia navigate itself through the dark days after the May 1969 riots. The New Economic Policy, Rukunegara and Felda were born during his short term inoffice. Barisan Nasional and concept of power-sharing among different races was introduced by him.
Some of the most prominent politicians whom he selected and nurtured in the 1970s still dominate the scene today. In short, a prime minister who left an indelible mark on Malaysia.
Tun Hussein Onn — He largely continued Razak’s economic policies but pushed for the creation of a Malay business class. During his short term, NEP policies exceeded their targets, so soon after he left office in 1981, Dr Mahathir reaped the rewards and was credited with most of its achievements.
Some say he was a meticulous man, others claim he was indecisive. He took six months to go through the 403-page Third Malaysian Plan.
A lawyer by training, he was a stickler for rules. During his time in office, he was challenged by elements in Umno, communist insurgency and secession from Sabah.
Dr Mahathir Mohamad — He transformed Malaysia from an agrarian society to one of the top trading nations in the world. His economic policies helped create the large middle class we have in the country today.
Built the national car, the Petronas Twin Towers, Putrajaya and gave Malaysians a sense of confidence. His 22 years in office also witnessed the controversial round up of some 100 people under Operasi Lalang, the sacking of Anwar Ibrahim from government, the clipping of the power of the royalty and the hollowing out of the institutions.
On the world stage because of his willingness to go against convention, Malaysia punched above her weight. Umno became bigger, more assertive and less accommodating during his time.
Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi — He won the biggest mandate in history. Introduced Islam Hadhari; reduced the budget deficit to 3.2 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product; allowed more debate and opening up of democratic space; set up the MACC and JAC and introduced the five economic growth corridors.
On the surface, Abdullah looks to have done a decent job. But remove a couple of layers and a sorry picture emerges.
He is leaving a country fractured by racial and religious polarisation. Anyone listening to the rabid speeches at the Perkasa function yesterday would have wondered whether Malaysia is home to Malays, Chinese, Indians or home only to Malays.
If there is growing chauvinism among Malaysians, it is because the Abdullah administration took a cavalier attitude towards the festering sores in Malaysian society.
It leaned too heavily on “the time will heal every problem” approach, putting off solving vexing issues of religious freedom and the abuse of the NEP to another day, hoping that the embers of anger in each community would douse itself out.
He is leaving behind institutions a significant number of Malaysians do not have trust in. The Police. The Judiciary. The Civil Service.
The early signs from the MACC are not promising. Government lawmakers believe that it has been invested with too much power and the Opposition feel that the commission will do the bidding of the BN government.
A survey by the Merdeka Centre shows that the majority of Malaysians do not believe that either the MACC or the JAC will be effective in tackling corruption and improving the standing of the judiciary.
Abdullah’s third initiative — a tribunal for enforcement agencies — is currently in limbo. Government lawmakers have blocked its passage through Parliament, arguing that more work needs to be done before the legislation is rubber-stamped.
That is the official reason.
The real reason is that BN lawmakers are suspicious of the tribunal, and do not believe that any independent body should be empowered to lord over the police, customs, immigration and other uniform services.
Looking back at his term as PM, Abdullah told Mingguan Malaysia that he made a couple of strategic errors.
He should have pushed ahead with all his reforms just after winning the 2004 elections.
With a solid mandate, momentum and with the pro-status quo powers cowed into silence, he could have reformed Umno and the country.
Instead, he waited and waited and the establishment forces in Umno recovered their poise and strength. Knowing that he could not control the party, he became a prisoner to its wants.
For example when the party rejected the open tender system, he went along with it.
Not surprisingly, 80 per cent of all government contracts during his term were direct negotiations.
Abdullah also lamented that while he encouraged more discourse on sensitive topics and openness during his time as PM, he should have redrawn the out-of-bound markers for Malaysians.
True, he should have better managed the opening up of democratic space in Malaysia.
True, he should have had more resolve in tackling excesses by his party.
True, he should have done more to ensure that a more equitable system was put in place.
True, he should have made good all his promises in his first term of office.
He did not.
And as a result, his goal of serving two terms in office was cut short, dramatically by the party he served so slavishly.
Historians may be kinder to him.
His party men will bid him farewell this week in glowing terms.
But for many Malaysians, the Abdullah years will be remembered as the Missed Opportunity.
Malaysian Insider
23/03/09
There he was looking tired, spent, raiding a bare cupboard to justify his 5 ½ years in office and looking forward to a life of gardening with his wife. At the age of 73.
There he was looking sprightly, combative, ready to clock 12 hour days in the office and looking forward to another shot at public service, another short of salvaging his legacy. At the age of 84.
The contrast could not have been more striking.
Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi looked and sounded like a defeated man in his farewell interview with Mingguan Malaysia, a man exiting the main stage with a whimper.
The man who forced him out, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad looked and sounded like a politician ready for another tour of duty in his series of newspaper interviews and address to Malay right-wing group Perkasa.
The attempt to put a gloss on Abdullah’s years as prime minister has started.
From his replies, it is clear that he truly believes that Islam Hadhari, fiscal prudence , the Judicial Appointments Commission, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission and opening up of discourse here will burnish his legacy.
Newspapers are ready to publish articles on the high points of the Abdullah era.
Utusan Malaysia is proposing that he be feted like a statesman when he leaves office on April 3. But if Malaysians are honest; if his supporters are honest; if Abdullah is honest, his five years in office should be headlined: The Missed Opportunity.
If it seems that he and his supporters are scrapping the barrel to prop him up as a top notch leader, it is because they are.
His failings become obvious when his time in office is measured against the likes of Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak, Tun Hussein Onn and Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
Historians may rank him joint fourth or fifth in terms of achievements, fulfilling promises and utilising a mandate.
Look at what his competition achieved:
Tunku Abdul Rahman — Delivered independence for the country, embraced the idea of the Alliance and never once forgot that he was the leader of all Malayans/Malaysians. Because he and other early Umno politicians like Tun Dr Ismail and Tun Abdul Razak were fair and honest men, non-Malays were happy to accept the leadership of Umno.
The independence of institutions was respected during his time and there was a respect for the separation of powers by the government.
Tun Abdul Razak — He crafted policies and ideas which helped Malaysia navigate itself through the dark days after the May 1969 riots. The New Economic Policy, Rukunegara and Felda were born during his short term inoffice. Barisan Nasional and concept of power-sharing among different races was introduced by him.
Some of the most prominent politicians whom he selected and nurtured in the 1970s still dominate the scene today. In short, a prime minister who left an indelible mark on Malaysia.
Tun Hussein Onn — He largely continued Razak’s economic policies but pushed for the creation of a Malay business class. During his short term, NEP policies exceeded their targets, so soon after he left office in 1981, Dr Mahathir reaped the rewards and was credited with most of its achievements.
Some say he was a meticulous man, others claim he was indecisive. He took six months to go through the 403-page Third Malaysian Plan.
A lawyer by training, he was a stickler for rules. During his time in office, he was challenged by elements in Umno, communist insurgency and secession from Sabah.
Dr Mahathir Mohamad — He transformed Malaysia from an agrarian society to one of the top trading nations in the world. His economic policies helped create the large middle class we have in the country today.
Built the national car, the Petronas Twin Towers, Putrajaya and gave Malaysians a sense of confidence. His 22 years in office also witnessed the controversial round up of some 100 people under Operasi Lalang, the sacking of Anwar Ibrahim from government, the clipping of the power of the royalty and the hollowing out of the institutions.
On the world stage because of his willingness to go against convention, Malaysia punched above her weight. Umno became bigger, more assertive and less accommodating during his time.
Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi — He won the biggest mandate in history. Introduced Islam Hadhari; reduced the budget deficit to 3.2 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product; allowed more debate and opening up of democratic space; set up the MACC and JAC and introduced the five economic growth corridors.
On the surface, Abdullah looks to have done a decent job. But remove a couple of layers and a sorry picture emerges.
He is leaving a country fractured by racial and religious polarisation. Anyone listening to the rabid speeches at the Perkasa function yesterday would have wondered whether Malaysia is home to Malays, Chinese, Indians or home only to Malays.
If there is growing chauvinism among Malaysians, it is because the Abdullah administration took a cavalier attitude towards the festering sores in Malaysian society.
It leaned too heavily on “the time will heal every problem” approach, putting off solving vexing issues of religious freedom and the abuse of the NEP to another day, hoping that the embers of anger in each community would douse itself out.
He is leaving behind institutions a significant number of Malaysians do not have trust in. The Police. The Judiciary. The Civil Service.
The early signs from the MACC are not promising. Government lawmakers believe that it has been invested with too much power and the Opposition feel that the commission will do the bidding of the BN government.
A survey by the Merdeka Centre shows that the majority of Malaysians do not believe that either the MACC or the JAC will be effective in tackling corruption and improving the standing of the judiciary.
Abdullah’s third initiative — a tribunal for enforcement agencies — is currently in limbo. Government lawmakers have blocked its passage through Parliament, arguing that more work needs to be done before the legislation is rubber-stamped.
That is the official reason.
The real reason is that BN lawmakers are suspicious of the tribunal, and do not believe that any independent body should be empowered to lord over the police, customs, immigration and other uniform services.
Looking back at his term as PM, Abdullah told Mingguan Malaysia that he made a couple of strategic errors.
He should have pushed ahead with all his reforms just after winning the 2004 elections.
With a solid mandate, momentum and with the pro-status quo powers cowed into silence, he could have reformed Umno and the country.
Instead, he waited and waited and the establishment forces in Umno recovered their poise and strength. Knowing that he could not control the party, he became a prisoner to its wants.
For example when the party rejected the open tender system, he went along with it.
Not surprisingly, 80 per cent of all government contracts during his term were direct negotiations.
Abdullah also lamented that while he encouraged more discourse on sensitive topics and openness during his time as PM, he should have redrawn the out-of-bound markers for Malaysians.
True, he should have better managed the opening up of democratic space in Malaysia.
True, he should have had more resolve in tackling excesses by his party.
True, he should have done more to ensure that a more equitable system was put in place.
True, he should have made good all his promises in his first term of office.
He did not.
And as a result, his goal of serving two terms in office was cut short, dramatically by the party he served so slavishly.
Historians may be kinder to him.
His party men will bid him farewell this week in glowing terms.
But for many Malaysians, the Abdullah years will be remembered as the Missed Opportunity.
Malaysian Insider
23/03/09
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