Today marks Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak's first anniversary in office, but has he been able to carry out the reforms which he promised when taking over the reins? The answer is “NO”.
Like his predecessor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Najib appears to be caught in the same Barisan Nasional cobweb spun by the political masters of the component parties.
Najib’s intention to bring about the envisaged reforms may be noble and real but he seems to be facing too many obstacles with regard to implementation. Suddenly, he seems to have lost the political steam and will required at this crucial stage to press through the reforms.
If we look at the issue closely, we can see that the problems and developments within BN component parties have hampered, or rather, stalled Najib's reforms. To achieve widespread reform, all BN leaders must be on the same page and execute reforms in their own parties.
But many component party leaders are not willing to do so.
After the 2008 general election, Umno is the only party which appears to have regained its footing. The party is unified, at least as far as public perception is concerned, under Najib and we do not see any open squabbles unlike during Abdullah's tenure.
Umno has convinced some sections of the Malay community that their rights and privileges can only be safeguarded by the party, and nobody else can give a similar guarantee.
However, none of the other component parties are able to move forward in regaining their lost support.
Power tussle in MCA
MCA, the second largest party within BN, has been embroiled in a leadership tussle for the last one year. Although Dr Chua Soi Lek finally won the battle, the victory has raised more doubts about the party’s ability to regain the support of the Chinese community.
Chua’s victory also highlights the BN government’s double standards in terms of prosecution, where Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim is hauled to court over a sodomy charge while Chua gets off the hook over his oral sex scandal, despite both actions falling under the same “unatural sex” law.
Although it can be said that MCA delegates have forgiven Chua for the scandal, will the Chinese community do the same and cast their ballots? Furthermore, having a powerful opponent as number two will always raise the possibility of another tussle.
To make matters worse, MCA will have to endure another party election next year before the general election, and this can lead to another volatile episode.
Gerakan is also in a quandary, with its president Koh Tsu Khoon uncertain as to whether to concentrate on recapturing Penang or to focus on his Cabinet portfolio. He has also been silent about leadership transition, despite the fact that Gerakan suffered its worst electoral bashing in 40 years under his watch.
Lacking strong leadership at the national and state levels, it is unlikely that Gerakan will be able to retake Penang from DAP's Lim Guan Eng.
MIC being bypassed
As far as MIC is concerned, no explanation is needed. According to critics, any reform can only take place if its 74-year-old president S Samy Vellu steps down.
However, the MIC chieftain remains adamant about staying on, and Najib too appears powerless to convince him otherwise.
Observers noted that under Najib's leadership, the BN machinery was used to create more cracks in the Indian community.
Hindraf was split right down the middle, while Najib gave his blessings for a splinter group called the Makkal Sakti Party, which is now also being plagued by infighting.
Najib has also decided to bypass MIC and has started direct dealings with Indian NGOs, attending many functions on his own accord.
While this boosted the premier's image, it has, however, weakened MIC as the community is given the impression that the party is no longer the channel to reach the government.
PPP, a dwarf among giants in BN, is also facing a leadership squabble with its “presidents” M Kayveas and T Murugiah locking horns over who should helm the “seatless” party.
Sabah and Sarawak
Across the ocean in Sarawak, Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud also displays no signs of relaxing his 30-year grip on power, while allegations of corruption and abuse of power continue to pile up.
How much this will effect BN's hold on the state will be seen in the coming state election, and the next general election.
In Sabah, although most of the key parties are still with BN, voter sentiments are said to be strongly against the BN government.
A recent report has also surfaced about how a group of activists are working towards pulling out the two states from the Federation of Malaysia, and want to raise the matter with the United Nations.
It is clear that Najib is saddled with many political baggages in BN, and these are major obstacles for his reforms. For example, his proposal about direct membership into BN received cold response from the component parties.
Najib also seems to have lost fire.
His much hyped New Economic Model (NEM) does not have anything concrete or convincing in the form of specific proposals to sway the business community, especially the Chinese.
The prime minister is also unable to dismantle some controversial aspects of the NEP to give credence to his own 1Malaysia policy.
Minor changes here and there and mere promises are not enough.
FMT
03/04/10
Like his predecessor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Najib appears to be caught in the same Barisan Nasional cobweb spun by the political masters of the component parties.
Najib’s intention to bring about the envisaged reforms may be noble and real but he seems to be facing too many obstacles with regard to implementation. Suddenly, he seems to have lost the political steam and will required at this crucial stage to press through the reforms.
If we look at the issue closely, we can see that the problems and developments within BN component parties have hampered, or rather, stalled Najib's reforms. To achieve widespread reform, all BN leaders must be on the same page and execute reforms in their own parties.
But many component party leaders are not willing to do so.
After the 2008 general election, Umno is the only party which appears to have regained its footing. The party is unified, at least as far as public perception is concerned, under Najib and we do not see any open squabbles unlike during Abdullah's tenure.
Umno has convinced some sections of the Malay community that their rights and privileges can only be safeguarded by the party, and nobody else can give a similar guarantee.
However, none of the other component parties are able to move forward in regaining their lost support.
Power tussle in MCA
MCA, the second largest party within BN, has been embroiled in a leadership tussle for the last one year. Although Dr Chua Soi Lek finally won the battle, the victory has raised more doubts about the party’s ability to regain the support of the Chinese community.
Chua’s victory also highlights the BN government’s double standards in terms of prosecution, where Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim is hauled to court over a sodomy charge while Chua gets off the hook over his oral sex scandal, despite both actions falling under the same “unatural sex” law.
Although it can be said that MCA delegates have forgiven Chua for the scandal, will the Chinese community do the same and cast their ballots? Furthermore, having a powerful opponent as number two will always raise the possibility of another tussle.
To make matters worse, MCA will have to endure another party election next year before the general election, and this can lead to another volatile episode.
Gerakan is also in a quandary, with its president Koh Tsu Khoon uncertain as to whether to concentrate on recapturing Penang or to focus on his Cabinet portfolio. He has also been silent about leadership transition, despite the fact that Gerakan suffered its worst electoral bashing in 40 years under his watch.
Lacking strong leadership at the national and state levels, it is unlikely that Gerakan will be able to retake Penang from DAP's Lim Guan Eng.
MIC being bypassed
As far as MIC is concerned, no explanation is needed. According to critics, any reform can only take place if its 74-year-old president S Samy Vellu steps down.
However, the MIC chieftain remains adamant about staying on, and Najib too appears powerless to convince him otherwise.
Observers noted that under Najib's leadership, the BN machinery was used to create more cracks in the Indian community.
Hindraf was split right down the middle, while Najib gave his blessings for a splinter group called the Makkal Sakti Party, which is now also being plagued by infighting.
Najib has also decided to bypass MIC and has started direct dealings with Indian NGOs, attending many functions on his own accord.
While this boosted the premier's image, it has, however, weakened MIC as the community is given the impression that the party is no longer the channel to reach the government.
PPP, a dwarf among giants in BN, is also facing a leadership squabble with its “presidents” M Kayveas and T Murugiah locking horns over who should helm the “seatless” party.
Sabah and Sarawak
Across the ocean in Sarawak, Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud also displays no signs of relaxing his 30-year grip on power, while allegations of corruption and abuse of power continue to pile up.
How much this will effect BN's hold on the state will be seen in the coming state election, and the next general election.
In Sabah, although most of the key parties are still with BN, voter sentiments are said to be strongly against the BN government.
A recent report has also surfaced about how a group of activists are working towards pulling out the two states from the Federation of Malaysia, and want to raise the matter with the United Nations.
It is clear that Najib is saddled with many political baggages in BN, and these are major obstacles for his reforms. For example, his proposal about direct membership into BN received cold response from the component parties.
Najib also seems to have lost fire.
His much hyped New Economic Model (NEM) does not have anything concrete or convincing in the form of specific proposals to sway the business community, especially the Chinese.
The prime minister is also unable to dismantle some controversial aspects of the NEP to give credence to his own 1Malaysia policy.
Minor changes here and there and mere promises are not enough.
FMT
03/04/10
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