Strong assertions of Malay ethnic rights made during televised speeches by leaders of the ruling party's annual congress raised ethnic tensions and fears the national leadership is becoming more radical.
Among the statements:
"Malay rights cannot be challenged, otherwise the Malays will run amok and the May 13 (1969) riots will happen all over again."
"The non-Malays are challenging us, it is time to raise our voices and defend the race and Islam."
"We are willing to risk lives and bathe in blood to defend our race and religion. Don't play with fire. If they mess with our rights, we will mess with theirs."
These and other statements uttered over the annual congress of the ruling United Malay National Organization (UMNO) shook public confidence of not only non-Muslims but also among moderate Muslims. All Malays are deemed Muslim under the laws of the land.
Instead of debating the faltering economy or worrying about rising religious intolerance, UMNO leaders, mostly from the Malay hinterland, brandished the keris a wavy Malay dagger thumped their chests and attacked minority Chinese and Indians for "demanding" equality and an end to affirmative action policies that favor Malays.
Some 3,000 grassroots Malay leaders cheered the speakers from the floor.
Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi himself, famously patient and mild-mannered, got caught up and shouted "Hidup Melayu, Hidup Melayu" (Long Live Malay, Long Live Malay) at the end of the meet.
Suddenly, over one weekend, the racial divide widened dramatically in this constitutionally pluralistic country. Once proud of their country's tolerance, many non-Malay and non-Muslim Malaysians are trying to figure out where their country is headed.
The fear and insecurity was all the more because the statements came not from a "lunatic fringe" but from top leaders of the UMNO, the country's premier pro-Malay party, which has been in power since independence in 1957 and is widely held up as level-headed, responsible and standing for a plural society.
UMNO congresses are widely watched by political analysts, foreign investors and diplomats because opinions expressed at these meetings often translate into government policies later.
For some non-Muslims such public displays confirm that Islamization and Malay ethno-centric nationalism are on the rise, with Abdullah seen as either unwilling or unable to check extremism.
"There is now suddenly a sense of fear and uncertainty. What do these words really signify? Is this the end of Bangsa Malaysia?" referring to a hypothetical "Malaysian Race" that is supposed to emerge, over time, from the racial potpourri that is Malaysia.
"Malaysians feel excluded and threatened,"
"I got the message. ... It simply means we non-Muslims cannot question the special status of Islam and Malays,". "If we do, it will be met with violence," echoing the sentiments of many others.
While the government dismissed the fiery speeches as one-time deviations from the norm, political scientists warn it signals the deep-seated grievances of the Malays, who form 60 percent of the population of 27 million. Chinese and Indians, who began migrating here in the early 19th century, make up 26 percent and 8 percent of the population, respectively.
Although Malays dominate national politics and the economy many Malays remain poor, and resentment among them is rising largely because the government's affirmative action policies benefited the "Umnoputras," or Malays who are in UMNO or close to its politicians.
Led by opposition icon Anwar Ibrahim who was labeled as a traitor by the UMNO delegates more Malaysians also want affirmative action either ended or extended to all poor Malaysians, along with curtailment of the "Umnoputras."
In addition a debate on apostasy and on the boundaries between Shariah law and secular rights has sharpened religious differences and heightened suspicions among the various races.
Ironically inter-racial resentment and tensions that had lain hidden under the long rule of former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad are surfacing now because his successor, Abdullah, began easing tight controls on public expression and dissent.
After taking over in 2003, Abdullah allowed reasonably open debate even on contentious issues like Islam and the Bumiputra affirmative action policy.
The debates were dominated on the one hand by non-Muslim fear of creeping Islam and on the other hand by Muslim fear that secularism and pluralism would dislodge Islam from its pedestal as the official faith.
The tensions are worsened by a slowing economy. Foreign investment, a mainstay of the economy, has dropped 17 percent to just 3.7 billion U.S. dollars this year.
Abdullah is trying to ease Malay fears over his "Islam Hadhari" or Civilizational Islam, which stresses moderation as well as technological and economic competitiveness.
On the economic front he has changed direction from infrastructure growth to trying to grow the agriculture, biotechnology and tourism sectors.
But on both fronts Islam and the economy his directions are contested not just from within the party but also by his mentor-turned-rival, Mahathir Mohamad, who has vowed to force him down.
But UMNO, the party Abdullah heads, is dragging its feet, preferring the old ways - saber-rattling, racism and continuance of lopsided policies that kills competitiveness and breeds contempt for law.
Non-Malays on the other hand fear that Islamization and Malay ethno-centric nationalism is on the rise under Abdullah, who they see as either unwilling or unable to check the "extremists."
With the races drifting apart, political analysts say, this years UMNO congress may well be a turning point for the country.
"We were moderate and praised for our tolerance and economic achievements," "Now all that has gone under a cloud."
Over the Internet the discussion is less polite and the anger palpable.
"Is it time to pack our bags again?", where the sudden plunge in race relations is endlessly debated.
"Where do we go from here?"
excerpts from: Baradan Kuppusamy
No comments:
Post a Comment