RACE – the final frontier.
It’s when different racial groups vie for mastery over the rest. Racial or ethnic conflicts, if not resolved or managed properly, can often result in human suffering, wastage of resources, stagnant or negative economic growth and social backwardness of the countries concerned.
Playing the race card has often worked, which is why it is being used so frequently whenever there is the slightest opportunity and when diversion, divide and rule, and scapegoats are needed.
The main justification used for racism or racialism has always been the perceived superiority of one’s own race.
There is no such thing as a genetically superior race as there is only one human race. All humans today are descended from the same species of Homo sapiens that originated in Africa about 150,000 years ago. The exodus from Africa to the rest of the world began around 60,000 years ago as explained in the National Geographic documentary, The Journey of Man: A Genetic Odyssey, by Dr Spencer Wells, a renowned geneticist. We all share a common origin and are related at some point in prehistory.
Some races might appear to be more culturally "advanced" in their historical evolution and development due to an earlier acquisition of knowledge in areas such as agriculture, maritime travel and weaponry, better access to resources and raw materials (often by force) and sometimes, plain luck such as their geographical positions of having availability of water and food supply and the absence of natural disasters. Cultural advancement, of course, is purely subjective.
Let’s talk about racial unity or rather disunity in Malaysia. The problem in Malaysia is more about racialism or communalism rather than overt racism. We are very much a culturally, ethnically and religiously diverse society, yet the richness of our diversity, instead of being promoted as a strength, has often been exploited for parochial political objectives.
The bedrock principle governing race relations in this country has been the "social contract" which was agreed upon by our nation’s forefathers just before independence. There has been much debate recently on its various interpretations.
What is clear and stated in the Federal Constitution is the provision of special position of the Malays and other indigenous people and the position of Islam as the official religion. The other races, however, would be granted full citizenship and enjoy freedom of worship and other universal rights.
In 1971, the New Economic Policy (NEP) was drawn up, with a policy thrust aimed at eradicating poverty regardless of race and restructuring society to do away with identification of race with economic function. The NEP also made clear that no race should feel alienated or be left behind, and it was to be implemented through the adoption of affirmative action policies.
The majority of Malaysians accepted the principles and objectives of the NEP, fully understanding that, if unaddressed, social and economic inequalities along racial lines would destroy our society and that it was in the interest of all to uplift the economic status of the Malays. The controversy, however, was sparked by the implementation of NEP policies by overzealous officials who interpreted the rules according to their whims and fancies. Another group, largely politically well-connected bumiputras, used the NEP as a means to enrich themselves. While the NEP had been a partial success in fulfilling its objectives, its implementation created serious misgivings not only among many non-bumiputras but even among those in the bumiputra community who felt they were being marginalised.
The misgivings, frustration and outright sense of injustice engendered by the often capricious implementation of the NEP only served to further fuel the already fraying balance of race relations in a political system where parties were based on race and ethnicity.
The system had served the nation reasonably well in the first decade after Independence, even to the extent of subsequently enlarging the ruling coalition to include ostensibly multiracial parties. But the fundamental philosophy of governing through race-based components meant there was little room or opportunity for the growth of genuine multiracial parties.
And it soon became apparent that ethnic-based political parties, which may be useful in championing the cause of their races, would also inevitably provide a sanctuary for extremist elements who would not hesitate to become "champions of the race" as they sought to gather electoral support to move up the party’s leadership ladder.
While some may view the federal governing coalition as a single multiracial party, the March 8, 2008, general election demonstrated that an increasingly educated and well-informed citizenry no longer accepts this paradigm. In fact, the elections and their aftermath appear to have shown that the federal coalition is merely the sum of its ethnic parts, rather than a multiracial whole. Reinventing these race-based parties into genuine multiracial ones will take some doing, given the network of their power bases and structure developed over the years.
There is, of course, another, major factor impacting on race relations in Malaysia. Yes – religion. Race and religion are closely intertwined in Malaysia.
The sensitivity with which issues related to religion are handled by the authorities play a major role in determining whether race relations in Malaysia settle at a level of amity and respect – or serve to further undermine the delicate social fabric of our multiracial, multi-religious, multi-cultural and multi-linguistic land. The cabinet’s decision last week on child conversion sent a positive signal on how such issues should be handled in future.
The writer is the CEO of a think-tank and strategic consultancy firm based in Kuala Lumpur
by KK Tan
Playing the race card has often worked, which is why it is being used so frequently whenever there is the slightest opportunity and when diversion, divide and rule, and scapegoats are needed.
The main justification used for racism or racialism has always been the perceived superiority of one’s own race.
There is no such thing as a genetically superior race as there is only one human race. All humans today are descended from the same species of Homo sapiens that originated in Africa about 150,000 years ago. The exodus from Africa to the rest of the world began around 60,000 years ago as explained in the National Geographic documentary, The Journey of Man: A Genetic Odyssey, by Dr Spencer Wells, a renowned geneticist. We all share a common origin and are related at some point in prehistory.
Some races might appear to be more culturally "advanced" in their historical evolution and development due to an earlier acquisition of knowledge in areas such as agriculture, maritime travel and weaponry, better access to resources and raw materials (often by force) and sometimes, plain luck such as their geographical positions of having availability of water and food supply and the absence of natural disasters. Cultural advancement, of course, is purely subjective.
Let’s talk about racial unity or rather disunity in Malaysia. The problem in Malaysia is more about racialism or communalism rather than overt racism. We are very much a culturally, ethnically and religiously diverse society, yet the richness of our diversity, instead of being promoted as a strength, has often been exploited for parochial political objectives.
The bedrock principle governing race relations in this country has been the "social contract" which was agreed upon by our nation’s forefathers just before independence. There has been much debate recently on its various interpretations.
What is clear and stated in the Federal Constitution is the provision of special position of the Malays and other indigenous people and the position of Islam as the official religion. The other races, however, would be granted full citizenship and enjoy freedom of worship and other universal rights.
In 1971, the New Economic Policy (NEP) was drawn up, with a policy thrust aimed at eradicating poverty regardless of race and restructuring society to do away with identification of race with economic function. The NEP also made clear that no race should feel alienated or be left behind, and it was to be implemented through the adoption of affirmative action policies.
The majority of Malaysians accepted the principles and objectives of the NEP, fully understanding that, if unaddressed, social and economic inequalities along racial lines would destroy our society and that it was in the interest of all to uplift the economic status of the Malays. The controversy, however, was sparked by the implementation of NEP policies by overzealous officials who interpreted the rules according to their whims and fancies. Another group, largely politically well-connected bumiputras, used the NEP as a means to enrich themselves. While the NEP had been a partial success in fulfilling its objectives, its implementation created serious misgivings not only among many non-bumiputras but even among those in the bumiputra community who felt they were being marginalised.
The misgivings, frustration and outright sense of injustice engendered by the often capricious implementation of the NEP only served to further fuel the already fraying balance of race relations in a political system where parties were based on race and ethnicity.
The system had served the nation reasonably well in the first decade after Independence, even to the extent of subsequently enlarging the ruling coalition to include ostensibly multiracial parties. But the fundamental philosophy of governing through race-based components meant there was little room or opportunity for the growth of genuine multiracial parties.
And it soon became apparent that ethnic-based political parties, which may be useful in championing the cause of their races, would also inevitably provide a sanctuary for extremist elements who would not hesitate to become "champions of the race" as they sought to gather electoral support to move up the party’s leadership ladder.
While some may view the federal governing coalition as a single multiracial party, the March 8, 2008, general election demonstrated that an increasingly educated and well-informed citizenry no longer accepts this paradigm. In fact, the elections and their aftermath appear to have shown that the federal coalition is merely the sum of its ethnic parts, rather than a multiracial whole. Reinventing these race-based parties into genuine multiracial ones will take some doing, given the network of their power bases and structure developed over the years.
There is, of course, another, major factor impacting on race relations in Malaysia. Yes – religion. Race and religion are closely intertwined in Malaysia.
The sensitivity with which issues related to religion are handled by the authorities play a major role in determining whether race relations in Malaysia settle at a level of amity and respect – or serve to further undermine the delicate social fabric of our multiracial, multi-religious, multi-cultural and multi-linguistic land. The cabinet’s decision last week on child conversion sent a positive signal on how such issues should be handled in future.
The writer is the CEO of a think-tank and strategic consultancy firm based in Kuala Lumpur
by KK Tan
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