“I was dumped into this high-security police lockup for, you see, these high-level criminals. . . . On the cement floor, without any mattresses. That explains why I have to be back on this.” Anwar Ibrahim gingerly peels up his shirt to reveal a corset-like back brace. And then he bursts into laughter.
For a man released from a night in jail only a few days earlier, Mr. Anwar is an awfully jolly man. Malaysia’s opposition leader has been accused of sodomy by a former aide — a criminal offense in this Muslim-majority country that could send him to jail for up to two decades. It’s a bizarre déjà vu for the bespectacled politician, who spent 1998-2004 behind bars on a trumped-up sodomy charge the last time he challenged for political power.
But he’s pushing ahead: On Wednesday, Mr. Anwar vowed to run for parliament “imminently” in a by-election, with the aim of toppling the government by September. If he’s successful, he could be the next prime minister of Malaysia.
None of this would matter much outside Southeast Asia were it not for the fact that Mr. Anwar’s political coalition espouses something unusual in the Muslim world: the virtues of a secular, free-market democracy. More Muslims live in Asia — Malaysia, Indonesia, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh — than in the Middle East.
Mr. Anwar is unusually suited to bridge East-West divides. A Muslim, “though never typically very religious,” he chuckles, he is a good friend of Saudi Arabia and the U.S. alike — a man who memorized “hundreds of Elvis Presley, Paul Anka and Ricky Nelson tunes” in his youth, but also attended weekend religious classes and, in his 20s, founded the Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia. He has never been afraid to argue that democracy and Islam are compatible forces — or to make that case to undemocratic Arab regimes.
In many ways, Malaysia — though it sports big urban centers and modern wonders like the Petronas Towers — seems stuck in a time warp. The media is largely state-controlled, and the executive branch still locks up political dissidents without trial under the British colonial-era Internal Security Act.
Mahathir Mohamad’s 22-year rule, which ended in 2003, did bring economic development to Malaysia. But Mr. Anwar says only a “fringe few” would ignore the widespread corruption that also occurred. Mr. Anwar, who was Dr. Mahathir’s deputy at the time, found himself accused of sodomy in 1998 when he started pushing for reform. His arrest and imprisonment brought thousands of people onto Kuala Lumpur’s streets.
And the recent accusation against him? It is “unfortunate,” Mr. Anwar said as we settled into conference room chairs at his People’s Justice Party’s new headquarters in a strip mall in a Kuala Lumpur suburb last week. But it’s a sign that “the system is crumbling.”
“Malaysia was resilient — at least in the late ’80s and ’90s — primarily because it was able to attract foreign investment,” Mr. Anwar says. “It has lost that. So we have to see why? Well,” he answers his own question, “economic policies considered obsolete — particularly the New Economic Policy.” He’s referring to the pervasive pro-Malay affirmative-action program that reaches deeply into almost every corner of the economy and the university system. “There’s no rule of law, endemic corruption and general incompetence” in Malaysia, he adds.
Malaysia’s current government is trying harder than any other Asian regime — save the little kingdom of Brunei — to push closer to the Middle East, luring investment and Arab tourists to its shores. Women shrouded from head to toe are common sights in Kuala Lumpur’s upscale shopping district. The country is an emerging center for Islamic finance, and Saudi-backed mosques are popping up everywhere.
Mr. Anwar thinks there’s another way forward: by incorporating conservative Muslims into the democratic fold, and enforcing a secular rule of law without exception. He also made this point in a chat we had at his home in Kuala Lumpur last month. “You need a free media and free and fair elections. Moderate democracies and parties don’t accept radicalism. You must give them space. Muslims can’t be made to feel that democracy can only be applied to certain groups. That’s not healthy.”
Mr. Anwar’s party is largely Malay, and secular. But his three-party coalition also includes a Chinese party and a conservative Muslim party that advocates Islamic law. The latter, the Parti Islam se-Malaysia, has supported measures such as segregated grocery store lines for men and women, bans on lipstick and antifornication laws. Why does Mr. Anwar’s multiethnic coalition include a party that embraces such a platform?
“We took some years to cement this relationship because I don’t want it to be seen purely as a politically expedient exercise,” he says. “We base it on a clear reform agenda. So what we did instead of using labels — Islam, secularism, liberal — we spell out what we want. So in the agenda, for example, we believe in ‘democracy and freedom.’ By this we mean freedom of religion, or worship, freedom of expression, freedom of conscience. Which means all laws to the contrary will have to be rejected.”
Mr. Anwar returned to Malaysia in 2006 — after teaching stints at Georgetown University and the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies — to launch a political comeback. He utilized every tool at his disposal outside the state-run media — “SMSes, blogs, Web sites” — to get out his message of anticorruption, freedom and religious tolerance. His coalition romped home in March with more than one-third of the seats in the national Parliament, and the leadership of five of Malaysia’s 13 states. The result stunned the ruling United Malays National Organization, which has dominated Malaysian politics since independence in 1957.
Mr. Anwar gets almost giddy when I query him about the result: “People on the ground, they couldn’t care two hoots about this scurrilous attack on my character,” he exclaims, referring to the latest sodomy accusation. “They want to hear me talk about change . . . I think the old system — the center cannot hold. Remember that brilliant piece by Yeats?” Mr. Anwar is referring, aptly, to the poem, “The Second Coming.”
He thinks political change in Malaysia could reverberate outside the country’s borders, setting a “crucial” example for the rest of the Muslim world. But is the rest of the Muslim world ready to hear his message? What about Iran?
“I respect Iran as a nation, with such a great civilization, with great potential,” Mr. Anwar says, evading the question with a grin. But “they know my views on democracy. They know my engagement with the West and with the Americans.”
Being pro-American isn’t popular in Malaysia, and Mr. Anwar is careful to stress his distance from Washington. “For example, the occupation of American forces in Iraq. I disagree, I totally disagree. But I don’t treat America as my enemy. And I believe that we would gain immensely by maintaining very good diplomatic and economic relations, trade relations, with America. But it doesn’t mean we must agree with them on many issues, or most issues.”
It also doesn’t mean that Mr. Anwar agrees with other Islamic powers, either. On a recent trip to Saudi Arabia, he met government officials and heard them talk of their modern education system. “I said I was impressed,” but “quality education” needs “a liberal democratic space” and “creativity.”
Could Malaysia serve as an example for the rest of the Islamic world, as a tolerant, Muslim-majority and multiethnic democracy? “Right now, it’s certainly a very poor example,” he says, laughing out loud. “But it has this enormous potential in terms of gender equality. Although you know, my wife wouldn’t agree with that term. She says it’s not that equal for now. . . . You should say, moving toward gender equality.” Mr. Anwar’s wife and one of his daughters are members of Parliament.
The sodomy accusation is meant not just to discredit Mr. Anwar, but to rip apart his nascent coalition. It was levied a few days before Mr. Anwar was scheduled to announce his candidacy for parliament. Fearing the worst, he fled to the Turkish embassy — another moderate Muslim democracy — for refuge. Since then, photos purportedly showing his accuser meeting with high-level government officials began to circulate. The government denies any involvement.
“To allow for some segment or sector, groups, within the system to resort to these dirty machinations is pathetic,” he says, then pauses. “To them, it may be necessary to pre-empt our next move, my contesting the by-election.”
Malaysia’s most prominent mufti, or religious scholar, Perak Mufti Datuk Seri Harussani Zakaria, has backed Mr. Anwar’s cause. Around 2,000 supporters flocked to the police station last week when word got out that Mr. Anwar was spending the night there. “I’ve advised my supporters to remain calm,” he says. “Don’t overreact, don’t be provoked. Because that’s exactly what they want. In any authoritarian system, what they want to present is a near chaos so they can declare a state of emergency.”
Why not pack it all in and retire with his wife and six children? “You come in with a clear conviction, that you believe in freedom, you believe in democracy,” Mr. Anwar replies. “And you have so much affection for the people. You love your country. You want the country to succeed. And this is one, unique, multiracial, multireligious country with a Muslim majority that should prove to the world that we can co-exist and succeed with a vibrant economy. Now, there’s a lot of intimidation, a lot of efforts to derail this. If I choose to surrender, keep quiet, then it would adversely affect the process.”
He asks a rhetorical question: “If I, in my position, with my experience, have no courage, just because I was beaten up before, humiliated, then what do you expect from the people? What sort of leadership do you provide?”
Mr. Anwar’s aides are gesticulating to him at the window outside his office — he’s late for his next appointment. “It’s going to be tough,” he says. “But this time, I am certain — as we say, inshallah, God willing, we are going to make it.” He laughs, and walks away, still smiling.
Ms. Kissel is the editor of The Wall Street Journal Asia’s editorial page.
By MARY KISSEL
Wall Street Journal
26/07/08
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