What started as an admonition of Umno's arrogance and abuse in administering affirmative action policies has somehow descended into the questioning of Malay rights and privileges.
Groups ostensibly sympathetic to Umno have held conferences and conventions on the premise of enhancing Malay unity and in the process exacerbating doubt and fear in the minds of the Malay citizenry with regard to the continuance of Articles 152, 153 and 181 of the federal constitution if Pakatan Rakyat's political success prolongs.
In the aftermath of the 1969 incident, laws were passed to make it illegal even to discuss the abolition of Articles 152, 153 and 181 in Parliament. As the law stands, the Conference of Rulers must assent to any amendments made in Parliament to the 'sensitive' provisions of Articles 152, 153 and 181, besides the fact constitutional amendments require a two-third majority in Parliament to be passed.
Hence, for all purposes and intent, the special privileges of the Malays are airtight and secure. Even if a non-Malay were to become the PM, such privileges cannot be removed at a whim.
Umno and groups such as Pewaris are definitely aware of the aforementioned constitutional protection afforded for Malay privileges. However, they would not miss a chance to politic over it.
They bleat about the need to adhere to the social contract but are they talking about the post-1969 constitution or the Merdeka constitution of 1957?
One of the key provisions of the Merdeka social contract was citizenship based on the principle of jus-soli (citizenship by birth in the territory) which was removed post-1969. There are tens of thousands of non-Malays, specifically Indian Malaysians, without citizenship today.
Mukriz Mahathir's solution to national unity is to close down vernacular schools. He, however, does not see the Biro Tata Negara and Mara educational institutions as impeding national unity though these two institutions cater solely for one race and in the case of the former, blatantly indoctrinates racism. The criterion for entry into vernacular schools is not based on race unlike Mara.
In the midst of the Ketuanan Melayu fuss, some are insinuating of Ketuanan Bukan Melayu in economic, educational and other social spheres. Let it be known that non-Malay achievement is almost entirely due to those communities’ own sacrifices, facilitated in some instances by NGOs and even MCA and MIC without government funding or assistance.
How many non-Malay business successes were due to government contracts? How many non-Malay professionals were developed via government funding? How much had the government given as aid for the upkeep of non-Malay schools and non-Muslim places of worship in the last 51 years?
Notwithstanding the NEP's original intention of eradicating poverty regardless of race, the Umno government's administration of the policy focused solely on uplifting the Malay community (with the non-Malay bumiputera conveniently left out) and that, too, without much success and after having spent a trillion on various failed initiatives over the last nearly 40 years.
The BN system of power-sharing is a marriage of convenience, presently tearing apart as the non -Malay component parties have nothing to lose (having lost everything on March 8) by voicing their displeasure over Umno's dominance.
The tentacles of racism and double standards have gone too far in the 51 years of Umno governance. Problems cannot be solved by the same level of thinking that created them, said Einstein. Only a change of government could herald a new dawn for Malaysia.
source: Malaysiakini
Groups ostensibly sympathetic to Umno have held conferences and conventions on the premise of enhancing Malay unity and in the process exacerbating doubt and fear in the minds of the Malay citizenry with regard to the continuance of Articles 152, 153 and 181 of the federal constitution if Pakatan Rakyat's political success prolongs.
In the aftermath of the 1969 incident, laws were passed to make it illegal even to discuss the abolition of Articles 152, 153 and 181 in Parliament. As the law stands, the Conference of Rulers must assent to any amendments made in Parliament to the 'sensitive' provisions of Articles 152, 153 and 181, besides the fact constitutional amendments require a two-third majority in Parliament to be passed.
Hence, for all purposes and intent, the special privileges of the Malays are airtight and secure. Even if a non-Malay were to become the PM, such privileges cannot be removed at a whim.
Umno and groups such as Pewaris are definitely aware of the aforementioned constitutional protection afforded for Malay privileges. However, they would not miss a chance to politic over it.
They bleat about the need to adhere to the social contract but are they talking about the post-1969 constitution or the Merdeka constitution of 1957?
One of the key provisions of the Merdeka social contract was citizenship based on the principle of jus-soli (citizenship by birth in the territory) which was removed post-1969. There are tens of thousands of non-Malays, specifically Indian Malaysians, without citizenship today.
Mukriz Mahathir's solution to national unity is to close down vernacular schools. He, however, does not see the Biro Tata Negara and Mara educational institutions as impeding national unity though these two institutions cater solely for one race and in the case of the former, blatantly indoctrinates racism. The criterion for entry into vernacular schools is not based on race unlike Mara.
In the midst of the Ketuanan Melayu fuss, some are insinuating of Ketuanan Bukan Melayu in economic, educational and other social spheres. Let it be known that non-Malay achievement is almost entirely due to those communities’ own sacrifices, facilitated in some instances by NGOs and even MCA and MIC without government funding or assistance.
How many non-Malay business successes were due to government contracts? How many non-Malay professionals were developed via government funding? How much had the government given as aid for the upkeep of non-Malay schools and non-Muslim places of worship in the last 51 years?
Notwithstanding the NEP's original intention of eradicating poverty regardless of race, the Umno government's administration of the policy focused solely on uplifting the Malay community (with the non-Malay bumiputera conveniently left out) and that, too, without much success and after having spent a trillion on various failed initiatives over the last nearly 40 years.
The BN system of power-sharing is a marriage of convenience, presently tearing apart as the non -Malay component parties have nothing to lose (having lost everything on March 8) by voicing their displeasure over Umno's dominance.
The tentacles of racism and double standards have gone too far in the 51 years of Umno governance. Problems cannot be solved by the same level of thinking that created them, said Einstein. Only a change of government could herald a new dawn for Malaysia.
source: Malaysiakini
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