Former PRM president and now PKR deputy president Dr Syed Husin Ali said that while Anwar was fundamental in inspiring the birth of a new movement, it is not entirely true that PKR is a one-man show.
You can be forgiven for believing that you have walked into someone’s fan club instead of a political party headquarters on arriving at Parti Keadilan Rakyat’s (PKR) head office near the Tropicana Golf & Country Resort here.
The moment you step into the elevator, you are greeted by two photos of a grinning Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.
On one side is Anwar flashing his trademark smile on a 1997 Time magazine cover which said he was ready to take over as Malaysia’s prime minister. Barely a year later he was sacked and jailed after a big fallout with his boss Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad amidst the Asian financial crisis.
Look the other side and Anwar flashes the same grin again with his arms folded over a smart grey suit on a Newsweek cover “To Hell And Back” after the March general election which revived his aspiration of becoming PM.
But is PKR all about the rise and fall of the former deputy president of Umno? Can the party go beyond Anwar after its surprising success on March 8?
Information chief Chua Tian Chang (better known as Tian Chua) admits the party is centred on its enigmatic leader. “In fact, PKR or Parti Keadilan Nasional (as it was known before merging with Parti Rakyat Malaysia or PRM) was set up following the Free Anwar movement,” he said. “Picking up on the strong sentiments of people disgusted by what had happened to Anwar, PKN was formed. Together with the partnership of Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) and Democratic Action Party (DAP), we won five seats (in 1999).”
Tian Chua, however, was quick to point out that the party continued to persist despite not having Anwar to lead them in the 2004 general election. “In fact, for the most part of our 10-year history, Anwar has been behind bars,” he noted.
Former PRM president and now PKR deputy president Dr Syed Husin Ali said that while Anwar was fundamental in inspiring the birth of a new movement, it is not entirely true that PKR is a one-man show.
“During that period (1997-1999), there were already groups agitating on issues. But the Anwar saga showed if justice can be denied to a deputy prime minister, it can happen to anyone,” said Syed Husin. “Anyway, most of the current policies (though inspired by Anwar) were more clearly defined during his incarceration,” said Syed Husin.
Both Tian Chua and Syed Husin were equally confident that should Anwar end up in jail again, PKR would not be found floundering. Anwar is facing another sodomy charge.
“For one, we’ve more up-and-coming leaders than we did in 1999,” said Syed Husin. “The party is on a stronger footing structurally, as well as financially.”
People’s anger after Anwar was first jailed was clearly reflected in the 1999 election, said Syed Husin. “Imagine how it would be in the next election if he is jailed again?” he said. “The added anger would fuel another upsurge and Pakatan Rakyat will become the next federal government.”
Tian Chua, who has traded his protest tee-shirt for a suit and tie after winning a seat in parliament, noted that in 1999 the party had no MPs, no finances and did not even have a proper office. “But today, we are part of the government in five states, with our own resources and an army of leaders and members. If we could survive then, we would surely carry on now.”
Syed Husin, who was detained for six years under the Internal Security Act, summed up the Anwar puzzle very well. “Anwar is a unique leader. He is a strong spokesperson, a symbol and a recognised leader for PKR, who is also the voice of many people,” he said. “But no party will die just because its most famous leader is not with them.”
More importantly, said Syed Husin, Anwar has manifested himself in PKR’s policy orientation and that is his biggest contribution to the party.
Not just another multi-racial party or coalition
Besides the Anwar factor, PKR’s strongest pull factor has been its multi-racial approach to politics. And although, according to Tian Chua, a huge chunk of its 500,000 members are Malays, the party has sought to find a middle ground when dealing with issues affecting Malaysia’s different races.
Replacing the Ketuanan Melayu (Malay superiority) concept with Ketuanan Rakyat (People’s power), PKR’s message is more palatable to the non-Malays.
Crediting his former student with this, Syed Husin added that this was why his former party, PRM, decided to merge with PKN in 2003.
“Although there were opportunities for merging with some of the other multi-racial parties, we hung on. On top of our similarities with Keadilan, we were most attracted to the justice and democracy it preached,” said Syed Husin.
Speaking of cooperation and democracy, Syed Husin pointed to the Pakatan formula. Chinese-majority DAP, Islam-based PAS and multi-racial PKR are poles apart in their ideologies and approaches to governance.
“But in the Pakatan formula, everyone is an equal partner. Unlike the Barisan Nasional coalition, matters are not dictated by one dominant party,” said Syed Husin. “Pakatan has a very consensus-based relationship.”
William Leong, a corporate lawyer who is now MP for Selayang and PKR treasurer, concurs.
“In BN, Umno decides and the other parties just nod. But in Pakatan we argue and fight until we come to an agreement,” he said.
“Decision making sometimes may not be as fast as in BN but ultimately, it is not unilateral either. There is also an understanding among us that each party has the right to voice their opinions.”
Leong added there was also more coordination between Pakatan parties. Using the Permatang Pauh by-election as an example, he said BN had mini camps of Umno, MCA, MIC and Gerakan everywhere. Even the ceramah was done separately.
“But in Pakatan, whenever a ceramah is held, you can see leaders and workers from all three parties working together,” said Leong.
On whether a formal Pakatan coalition, similar to BN, is on the cards, Leong said: “That is certainly the aspiration but we are not pushing it now.”
What’s in store moving forward? A lot, going by Syed Husin, Tian Chua and Leong’s claims.
Assessing the party from a financial perspective, PKR treasurer Leong noted a huge change in donors’ behaviour. “While in the past, many people were shy or concerned about associating themselves with PKR, they are no longer worried,” he said. “Individual and corporate sponsors are ready to contribute. The difference was most notable during the Permatang Pauh by-election.”
The excitement Pakatan has created has now spread to East Malaysia. “During the dinner we held in Sarawak earlier this month, 4,000 people turned up,” said Leong, who is already working on a budget for the next Sarawak state election.
For Tian Chua, the future is theirs for the taking. “The emergence of a genuine second party in the region is nothing new. Be it South Korea, Indonesia or Thailand, changes in the political landscape have already taken place. All that is left are the People’s Action Party in Singapore and BN in Malaysia. So it is inevitable that change will come here too,” said the man, images of whom sitting defiantly in front of a water cannon truck in 1999 are as unforgettable as his leader’s black-eye pictures.
Syed Husin was more careful to note that the future is about strengthening party structure and organisation. But he, too, could not contain his excitement about the party’s future. “If you look at the MPs in parliament now, you’ll see that Pakatan easily has the younger and more dynamic collection of leaders,” he said.
That may be true, but for now, a grinning Anwar pretty much remains the domineering force of the party. And this will be evident at the party’s annual assembly which begins tomorrow.
Chan Kok Leong
The Edge
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