If he overcomes the government's smear campaign and returns to parliament, Anwar Ibrahim could usher in an era of reform
Next Tuesday's by-election in Penang in the constituency of Permatang Pauh will determine the future of Malaysian politics. Voters in the largely semi-rural constituency will decide whether to return their controversial favourite son, Anwar Ibrahim, to parliament. The former deputy prime minister was beaten and jailed in 1998 on charges of corruption and sodomy.
He served six years, and subsequently the sodomy charges were dismissed. He now leads an opposition coalition, the People's Alliance, comprised of three disparate political parties - his own People's Justice party, the Islamic party PAS and the secular, largely Chinese-based Democratic Action party – which won a record number of parliamentary seats and five of the state governments in the March 2008 polls.
This alliance has set its sights on removing the incumbent National Front coalition, which has governed the country since independence in 1957, from office. In order to do so, they need to have their prime minister back in the seat that he first won in 1982.
The stakes are high. For the opposition, the People's Alliance depends heavily on Anwar's leadership to hold it together and make it nationally viable for voters. Anwar is a moderate Muslim who appeals across the ethnic groups in Malaysia and comes from the majority Malay community that holds political power. They need his charismatic leadership to break the stranglehold the National Front holds on power.
Although there is considerable unease among some Malaysians about the agendas of different components in the alliance, Anwar's coalition promises reform and offers Malaysians the hope of greater ethnic inclusion and cleaner government.
It is this very threat of exposing the years of corruption that is shaking the National Front to its core. The incumbent coalition is led by Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, who was appointed to lead the dominant party in the Front in 2003 by Malaysia's longest serving leader, Dr Mahathir. Abdullah has been a major disappointment. He squandered his mandate for change in 2004 and has not delivered on any of the institutional reforms the country desperately needs.
His indecisive leadership style and lack of vision underscore the country's lack of direction, as it is losing competitiveness and foreign investment. During his almost five years in office, he has spent more public funds than his predecessor, and unlike his predecessor failed to deliver any substantial results. Inequality has widened, inflation has reached record levels and race relations have worsened, particularly over the issue of religious freedom. It is thus no surprise that the National Front was thrashed in the last polls and will likely lose the Penang by-election. The National Front aims to reduce Anwar's majority and discredit his bid for national power.
The Front is doing everything it can to prevent Anwar from winning. In July, new charges for sodomy were filed in a case that has serious flaws. On the eve of the election campaign, the alleged sodomy whistleblower swore on the Qur'an in an effort to challenge Anwar's credibility. Personal attacks on Anwar have run the gamut from a Chinese government agent to the betrayer of the Malay community.
The ruthless tactics adopted include the use of government machinery and media. This week the National Front selectively targeted elected representatives from Anwar's party in a questionable roundup by the anti-corruption agency. Each day, the government-linked newspapers portray Anwar as the most serious national threat.
The attacks have had an impact, and fostered doubt among some Malaysians about Anwar's ability to govern. Concerns centre on credibility and character. Others have concerns that Anwar is moving too fast and confrontationally. They are worried his rhetoric to take over government nationally will bring a defensive, authoritarian response from the incumbent government and that his young coalition lacks the experience to address the growing national problems exacerbated by Abdullah's mismanagement.
Authoritarianism is on the rise in Malaysia. In the last few months the government has deepened its crackdown on blogs and banned a forum sponsored by the Malaysian Bar Council from discussing religious rights – all in the name of "stability". At the same time the government has embraced exclusionary racial messages that argue for Malay supremacy over the other races in a dangerous move to bring the Malays back into the Front's fold.
In this political war between Anwar and the Front, Malaysian society is increasingly polarised and alienated by the dirty campaign tactics. Yet, as the campaign evolves, more mud is likely to be piled on, crowding out the critical issues of inclusion, accountability and policy. Ironically, in light of the focus on the personal, this high-stakes election will ultimately boil down to how the 59,000 voters – largely Malay – in Permatang Pauh perceive Anwar Ibrahim, the man rather than his message.
Bridget Welsh
guardian.co.uk
August 22, 2008
Next Tuesday's by-election in Penang in the constituency of Permatang Pauh will determine the future of Malaysian politics. Voters in the largely semi-rural constituency will decide whether to return their controversial favourite son, Anwar Ibrahim, to parliament. The former deputy prime minister was beaten and jailed in 1998 on charges of corruption and sodomy.
He served six years, and subsequently the sodomy charges were dismissed. He now leads an opposition coalition, the People's Alliance, comprised of three disparate political parties - his own People's Justice party, the Islamic party PAS and the secular, largely Chinese-based Democratic Action party – which won a record number of parliamentary seats and five of the state governments in the March 2008 polls.
This alliance has set its sights on removing the incumbent National Front coalition, which has governed the country since independence in 1957, from office. In order to do so, they need to have their prime minister back in the seat that he first won in 1982.
The stakes are high. For the opposition, the People's Alliance depends heavily on Anwar's leadership to hold it together and make it nationally viable for voters. Anwar is a moderate Muslim who appeals across the ethnic groups in Malaysia and comes from the majority Malay community that holds political power. They need his charismatic leadership to break the stranglehold the National Front holds on power.
Although there is considerable unease among some Malaysians about the agendas of different components in the alliance, Anwar's coalition promises reform and offers Malaysians the hope of greater ethnic inclusion and cleaner government.
It is this very threat of exposing the years of corruption that is shaking the National Front to its core. The incumbent coalition is led by Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, who was appointed to lead the dominant party in the Front in 2003 by Malaysia's longest serving leader, Dr Mahathir. Abdullah has been a major disappointment. He squandered his mandate for change in 2004 and has not delivered on any of the institutional reforms the country desperately needs.
His indecisive leadership style and lack of vision underscore the country's lack of direction, as it is losing competitiveness and foreign investment. During his almost five years in office, he has spent more public funds than his predecessor, and unlike his predecessor failed to deliver any substantial results. Inequality has widened, inflation has reached record levels and race relations have worsened, particularly over the issue of religious freedom. It is thus no surprise that the National Front was thrashed in the last polls and will likely lose the Penang by-election. The National Front aims to reduce Anwar's majority and discredit his bid for national power.
The Front is doing everything it can to prevent Anwar from winning. In July, new charges for sodomy were filed in a case that has serious flaws. On the eve of the election campaign, the alleged sodomy whistleblower swore on the Qur'an in an effort to challenge Anwar's credibility. Personal attacks on Anwar have run the gamut from a Chinese government agent to the betrayer of the Malay community.
The ruthless tactics adopted include the use of government machinery and media. This week the National Front selectively targeted elected representatives from Anwar's party in a questionable roundup by the anti-corruption agency. Each day, the government-linked newspapers portray Anwar as the most serious national threat.
The attacks have had an impact, and fostered doubt among some Malaysians about Anwar's ability to govern. Concerns centre on credibility and character. Others have concerns that Anwar is moving too fast and confrontationally. They are worried his rhetoric to take over government nationally will bring a defensive, authoritarian response from the incumbent government and that his young coalition lacks the experience to address the growing national problems exacerbated by Abdullah's mismanagement.
Authoritarianism is on the rise in Malaysia. In the last few months the government has deepened its crackdown on blogs and banned a forum sponsored by the Malaysian Bar Council from discussing religious rights – all in the name of "stability". At the same time the government has embraced exclusionary racial messages that argue for Malay supremacy over the other races in a dangerous move to bring the Malays back into the Front's fold.
In this political war between Anwar and the Front, Malaysian society is increasingly polarised and alienated by the dirty campaign tactics. Yet, as the campaign evolves, more mud is likely to be piled on, crowding out the critical issues of inclusion, accountability and policy. Ironically, in light of the focus on the personal, this high-stakes election will ultimately boil down to how the 59,000 voters – largely Malay – in Permatang Pauh perceive Anwar Ibrahim, the man rather than his message.
Bridget Welsh
guardian.co.uk
August 22, 2008
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