The charges, when finally published, were manifestly absurd. Running over 12 sheets of paper, it was clear that quantity had been substituted where quality was lacking, and some of them actually related to Tun Salleh's behaviour after suspension. Many of them related to his speeches and press interviews, whereby sinister meanings were imputed to various innocuous comments that he had made.
Daniel John Jambun
I must say I was flabbergasted to read Tun Mahathir Mohammad’s statement that Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s intention to hold a rally against his conviction on January 9th was an attempt to attack the judiciary in Malaysia.
My dear Tun, you were the one who wrote a poem Melayu Mudah Lupa (Malays Forget Easily) which ended with the words: Ingatlah / Ingatlah / Ingatlah / Wahai bangsaku / Jangan mudah lupa lagi / Kerana perjuanganmu belum selesai(Remember / Remember / Remember / O my people / Forget easily no more / Because you struggle is not yet over).
You also wrote a book with the same title. So why have you forgotten so fast that you were the one who destroyed the Malaysian judiciary in 1988? The story how you destroyed the career of Tun Salleh Abbas is still fresh in the minds of Malaysians. That legal saga had become the heinous story of how Malaysia had succumbed to the lowest of the lows in its legal history, which had become a really ugly international scandal.
What Anwar is doing, out of desperation to tell the world of the injustice of the way his Sodomy 1 and Sodomy II trials were carried out, has to be multiplied a million times to equal the gravity of what you have done to the Malaysian judiciary.
Rather than going into the ugly details myself, allow me to quote parts of the write up an unidentified online writer who summarised the facts from the bookMay Day for Justice by Tun Salleh Abas with K. Das (Kuala Lumpur: Magnus Book, 1989) for the benefit of Malaysians who have missed the book.
How Mahathir destroyed the Malaysian judiciary
1. The destruction of judicial independence
Mahathir was continually upset with the Judiciary because the verdicts in a number of cases went against the Government. According to Deputy PM, Datuk Musa Hitam, one of his favourite slogans was "Hang the Lawyers! Hang the Judges!"
From 1987, he intensified his verbal attacks against the Judiciary in the news media, making damaging statements which clearly demonstrated that he did not understand the role of the Judiciary as being independent from the Executive and Legislative arms of Government.
That the Judiciary exists as a check-and-balance against the excesses of the Executive appeared to have been a concept he never fully grasped. Instead, he accused judges of the sort of political interference that would result in confusion and loss of public confidence in the Government. Hence, to curtail the powers of the Judiciary and subsume it beneath the Executive became one of his cherished dreams.
In April 1987, after an UMNO leadership contest in which Mahathir very nearly lost to Finance Minister Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, there were allegations that several delegates who had voted were drawn from branches not properly registered under the Societies Act 1966. An appeal was filed by eleven UMNO delegates to have the elections declared null and void.
This was a very serious matter for Mahathir because if the appeal succeeded, fresh elections would have to be held and he might lose. The matter finally came before Justice Harun Hashim of KL High Court who ruled that under the existing law, he had no choice but to declare not just the elections invalid, but the whole of UMNO an unlawful society as well. The country and, more particularly, UMNO, went into a state of shock.
In most modern democracies, a political catastrophe of this magnitude would have resulted in the immediate resignation of the party's President and Prime Minister. But Mahathir did not resign. He informed the country that the Government would continue running the country. Opposition Leader Lim Kit Siang and Tunku Abdul Rahman called for a vote in Parliament to establish Mahathir's legitimacy but those calls were ignored.
Mahathir then set in motion the machinery to form a new surrogate party called UMNO Baru. His opponents, however, wanted the old party revived. The eleven UMNO delegates then launched an appeal in the Supreme Court to have the 1987 elections alone declared illegal and the party not an unlawful society.
Mahathir fully understood the danger to him of this pending appeal. He had to act quickly. In October 1987, he launched the notorious Operation Lalang in which at least 106 people were arrested and detained without trial under the ISA, including three very articulate critics, the Opposition Leader Lim Kit Siang, political scientist Dr. Chandra Muzaffar and leading lawyer Karpal Singh.
The official reason for the arrests was that a highly dangerous security situation had arisen but this has been strongly disputed as nothing more than a shameless fabrication. The broad sweep included even environmentalists and Consumer Association spokesmen.
Four of the most outspoken newspapers - The Star, The Sunday Star, Watan and Sin Chew Jit Poh - had their publishing licences suspended. When, after five months, the papers were free to publish again, they were no longer the same.
Mahathir's next move was to push through Parliament far-reaching amendments to the Constitution so that the Executive gained in power enormously at the expense of the Judiciary. There was general indignation at this rude behaviour which shocked a good many people. The indecent haste and the fact that the amendments were made at a time when the Government's main critics were in detention, including the Opposition Leader and six vocal MPs and outspoken newspapers demoralized added further to the appalling injustice of the situation. Tunku Abdul Rahman, Malaysia's beloved first Prime Minister, put it succinctly: "It was legal, but was it just?" Others noted angrily that the Constitution had been raped once again.
In a speech, the outgoing President of the Bar Council, Param Cumaraswamy, said:
"The Prime Ministe's vile and contemptuous allegations, and the accusations levelled at the Judiciary and our judges left many shocked beyond belief. His speech which was full of venom, hate and spite with no substance whatsoever, illustrated his complete and total ignorance of the role of the Judiciary and the judicial process itself. He has indeed defiled and defaced the Constitution. It is surprising that those 142 MPs who voted in favour, after taking the oath that they would preserve, protect and defend the Constitution, had no compunction about destroying one of its basic structures."
Next, after having curbed the independence of the Judiciary, Mahathir set about destroying its integrity. This was the removal of Tun Salleh Abas as Lord President in 1988, a move which Tunku Abdul Rahman described as "the most shocking story in modern legal and judicial history,"
2. The destruction of judicial integrity
By March 1988, Mahathir's scandalous and violent public attacks on the Judiciary had so provoked the judges that Tun Salleh was obliged to call a conference. Twenty judges met in the Supreme Court one week after the debilitating and shameful Constitutional amendments were made.
By unanimous agreement, a letter was drafted to the King (also the Sultan of Johore) and copied to all Sultans, expressing disquiet over various comments made by the Prime Minister. The letter was delivered on 25 March. Three days later, Tun Salleh was suspended from his official capacity by the King on recommendation of the Prime Minister.
Tun Salleh's suspension came after he refused to bow to Mahathir's pressure to either resign or retire, even though financial inducements were offered, including mention of a lucrative job in the International Development Bank in Jeddah. The initial reason given for the suspension was that the King had taken great displeasure over the letter Tun Salleh had written on behalf of all judges.
It is difficult to believe that the King wanted Tun Salleh removed purely because he had protested about the public insults directed against the entire Judiciary by the head of the Executive. In any event, royal displeasure would not be a constitutionally valid ground for dismissal. Indeed, Mahathir advised the King as much in a letter written four days after this probably fictitious audience; however, the Prime Minister went further in the same letter to say that he would investigate Tun Salleh for any evidence of misbehaviour.
In any event, the King did not clear up the mystery and, in an audience with Tun Salleh, actually asked the latter to step down without giving reasons although the Conference of Rulers had already asked for his reinstatement. Amazingly, Tun Salleh was suspended and a Tribunal set up to determine his fate before any formal charges were laid.
The Constitution does not provide for the removal of a Lord President. While the Tribunal need not be an inappropriate means, its composition was to say the least, disgraceful. It was composed of six acting and retired judges, although the Constitution required an odd number to prevent deadlock. Of these - four from Malaysia, one from Sri Lanka and one from Singapore - only the Sri Lankan enjoyed a rank comparable to Tun Salleh's. This was contrary to the very reasonable dictum that one should be tried by one's peers rather than one's juniors.
The fact that two retired Lord Presidents of Malaysia were available but not invited was glaring. There were grave conflicts of interest with three of the Malaysian judges that should have disqualified them from sitting: Tan Sri Abdul Hamid who was next in line to succeed as Lord President and who had also participated in the conference of 20 judges which resulted in the letter to the King; Tan Sri Zahir who, being also the Speaker of the Lower House, was beholden to Mahathir, the principal complainant in the matter at hand; and Tan Sri Abdul Aziz who, although a former judge, was then a practising lawyer and, more incredibly, had two suits pending against him at that time.
But Tun Salleh's objections were ignored and when the Bar Council issued a statement calling for the Tribunal to be re-constituted, both the New Straits Times and The Star refused to publish it. Further, it was decided that the Tribunal would sit in closed sessions although Tun Salleh had requested a public hearing.
The charges, when finally published, were manifestly absurd. Running over 12 sheets of paper, it was clear that quantity had been substituted where quality was lacking, and some of them actually related to Tun Salleh's behaviour after suspension. Many of them related to his speeches and press interviews, whereby sinister meanings were imputed to various innocuous comments that he had made.
To cite an instance, in a speech at the University of Malaya, he had said: "The role of the courts is very important to bring about public order. If there is no public order there will be chaos in this country and if there is chaos, no one can feel safe" On this basis, Tun Salleh was charged with making statements criticizing the Government which displayed prejudice and bias against the latter.
Another statement of his, "In a democratic system, the courts play a prominent role as agent of stability but they can perform this function only if judges are trusted," resulted in the charge that he had ridiculed the Government by imputing that it did not trust the judges. These charges were doubly ludicrous in the light of Mahathir's many poisonous attacks against the Judiciary.
It is not surprising that Tun Salleh, after reading this catalogue of fantasy crimes, refused to appear before what was so evidently a kangaroo court. The Tribunal, after refusing representations made by Raja Aziz, Tun Salleh's leading counsel, that it had no constitutional validity to sit, chose instead to proceed so hastily that it wound up deliberations, including the examination of witnesses with just four hours work.
As it prepared to issue its Report, Tun Salleh's lawyers sought an urgent stay of proceedings in the High Court. This would normally be granted immediately at the least possibility that an injustice may be about to be done but, here, events turned into utter farce.
Instead of immediately reaching a decision as expected, the presiding judge, Datuk Ajaib Singh, after the court had been in languorous session the whole day that Friday, adjourned hearings for 9.30 am the next day. On Saturday however, the judge emerged in court only at 11.50 am and, even then, postponed hearings again for the Monday!
In desperation, Tun Salleh's lawyers, knowing that the Tribunal could easily release its Report before then, sought the assistance of Supreme Court judge, Tan Sri Wan Suleiman, in his Chambers. The latter agreed to hear them in open court in half an hour's time and called a quorum of all remaining Supreme Court, one of whom, Tan Sri Hashim Yeop, refused to sit.
The soap opera reached an apogee of ridiculousness when Tan Sri Abdul Hamid, head of the Tribunal and Acting Lord President, gave orders for the doors of Supreme Court to be locked and for the seal of the Supreme Court to be secreted away!
Undeterred, the five Supreme Court judges ordered the policeman on duty to open the door forthwith. After less than half an hour, the Court ordered the Tribunal not to submit any recommendation, report or advice to the King. Tun Salleh's lawyers were typing the Order to serve personally to the Tribunal at Parliament House when news arrived that the gates of Parliament House had been locked! At this point, Justice Wan Suleiman rose to the occasion and, calling the office of the Inspector General of Police, told a senior officer that any impediment to serving the Order would constitute contempt of court.
The gates of Parliament swung open and, at 4 pm, Raja Aziz and his team served the Order to the Tribunal members who were found to be still hard at work on a word-processor that Saturday afternoon. All six members accepted service without complaint…. four days later, all five Supreme Court judges were suspended.
Almost every rule that was broken to suspend Tun Salleh was broken again to suspend them. The prohibition order they had made were revoked within days. A second Tribunal eventually reinstated three of the judge: Tan Sri Azmi Kamaruddin, Tan Sri Eusoff Abdoolcader and Tan Sri Wan Hamzah but Tan Sri Wan Suleiman and Datuk George Edward Seah were removed from office.
The UMNO Eleven case was quickly dismissed. The removal of Tun Salleh also saw the resignation of Deputy PM Datuk Musa Hitam who, according to popular wisdom, could no longer stomach Mahathir's ways.
My dear Tun, you were the one who wrote a poem Melayu Mudah Lupa (Malays Forget Easily) which ended with the words: Ingatlah / Ingatlah / Ingatlah / Wahai bangsaku / Jangan mudah lupa lagi / Kerana perjuanganmu belum selesai(Remember / Remember / Remember / O my people / Forget easily no more / Because you struggle is not yet over).
You also wrote a book with the same title. So why have you forgotten so fast that you were the one who destroyed the Malaysian judiciary in 1988? The story how you destroyed the career of Tun Salleh Abbas is still fresh in the minds of Malaysians. That legal saga had become the heinous story of how Malaysia had succumbed to the lowest of the lows in its legal history, which had become a really ugly international scandal.
What Anwar is doing, out of desperation to tell the world of the injustice of the way his Sodomy 1 and Sodomy II trials were carried out, has to be multiplied a million times to equal the gravity of what you have done to the Malaysian judiciary.
Rather than going into the ugly details myself, allow me to quote parts of the write up an unidentified online writer who summarised the facts from the bookMay Day for Justice by Tun Salleh Abas with K. Das (Kuala Lumpur: Magnus Book, 1989) for the benefit of Malaysians who have missed the book.
How Mahathir destroyed the Malaysian judiciary
1. The destruction of judicial independence
Mahathir was continually upset with the Judiciary because the verdicts in a number of cases went against the Government. According to Deputy PM, Datuk Musa Hitam, one of his favourite slogans was "Hang the Lawyers! Hang the Judges!"
From 1987, he intensified his verbal attacks against the Judiciary in the news media, making damaging statements which clearly demonstrated that he did not understand the role of the Judiciary as being independent from the Executive and Legislative arms of Government.
That the Judiciary exists as a check-and-balance against the excesses of the Executive appeared to have been a concept he never fully grasped. Instead, he accused judges of the sort of political interference that would result in confusion and loss of public confidence in the Government. Hence, to curtail the powers of the Judiciary and subsume it beneath the Executive became one of his cherished dreams.
In April 1987, after an UMNO leadership contest in which Mahathir very nearly lost to Finance Minister Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, there were allegations that several delegates who had voted were drawn from branches not properly registered under the Societies Act 1966. An appeal was filed by eleven UMNO delegates to have the elections declared null and void.
This was a very serious matter for Mahathir because if the appeal succeeded, fresh elections would have to be held and he might lose. The matter finally came before Justice Harun Hashim of KL High Court who ruled that under the existing law, he had no choice but to declare not just the elections invalid, but the whole of UMNO an unlawful society as well. The country and, more particularly, UMNO, went into a state of shock.
In most modern democracies, a political catastrophe of this magnitude would have resulted in the immediate resignation of the party's President and Prime Minister. But Mahathir did not resign. He informed the country that the Government would continue running the country. Opposition Leader Lim Kit Siang and Tunku Abdul Rahman called for a vote in Parliament to establish Mahathir's legitimacy but those calls were ignored.
Mahathir then set in motion the machinery to form a new surrogate party called UMNO Baru. His opponents, however, wanted the old party revived. The eleven UMNO delegates then launched an appeal in the Supreme Court to have the 1987 elections alone declared illegal and the party not an unlawful society.
Mahathir fully understood the danger to him of this pending appeal. He had to act quickly. In October 1987, he launched the notorious Operation Lalang in which at least 106 people were arrested and detained without trial under the ISA, including three very articulate critics, the Opposition Leader Lim Kit Siang, political scientist Dr. Chandra Muzaffar and leading lawyer Karpal Singh.
The official reason for the arrests was that a highly dangerous security situation had arisen but this has been strongly disputed as nothing more than a shameless fabrication. The broad sweep included even environmentalists and Consumer Association spokesmen.
Four of the most outspoken newspapers - The Star, The Sunday Star, Watan and Sin Chew Jit Poh - had their publishing licences suspended. When, after five months, the papers were free to publish again, they were no longer the same.
Mahathir's next move was to push through Parliament far-reaching amendments to the Constitution so that the Executive gained in power enormously at the expense of the Judiciary. There was general indignation at this rude behaviour which shocked a good many people. The indecent haste and the fact that the amendments were made at a time when the Government's main critics were in detention, including the Opposition Leader and six vocal MPs and outspoken newspapers demoralized added further to the appalling injustice of the situation. Tunku Abdul Rahman, Malaysia's beloved first Prime Minister, put it succinctly: "It was legal, but was it just?" Others noted angrily that the Constitution had been raped once again.
In a speech, the outgoing President of the Bar Council, Param Cumaraswamy, said:
"The Prime Ministe's vile and contemptuous allegations, and the accusations levelled at the Judiciary and our judges left many shocked beyond belief. His speech which was full of venom, hate and spite with no substance whatsoever, illustrated his complete and total ignorance of the role of the Judiciary and the judicial process itself. He has indeed defiled and defaced the Constitution. It is surprising that those 142 MPs who voted in favour, after taking the oath that they would preserve, protect and defend the Constitution, had no compunction about destroying one of its basic structures."
Next, after having curbed the independence of the Judiciary, Mahathir set about destroying its integrity. This was the removal of Tun Salleh Abas as Lord President in 1988, a move which Tunku Abdul Rahman described as "the most shocking story in modern legal and judicial history,"
2. The destruction of judicial integrity
By March 1988, Mahathir's scandalous and violent public attacks on the Judiciary had so provoked the judges that Tun Salleh was obliged to call a conference. Twenty judges met in the Supreme Court one week after the debilitating and shameful Constitutional amendments were made.
By unanimous agreement, a letter was drafted to the King (also the Sultan of Johore) and copied to all Sultans, expressing disquiet over various comments made by the Prime Minister. The letter was delivered on 25 March. Three days later, Tun Salleh was suspended from his official capacity by the King on recommendation of the Prime Minister.
Tun Salleh's suspension came after he refused to bow to Mahathir's pressure to either resign or retire, even though financial inducements were offered, including mention of a lucrative job in the International Development Bank in Jeddah. The initial reason given for the suspension was that the King had taken great displeasure over the letter Tun Salleh had written on behalf of all judges.
It is difficult to believe that the King wanted Tun Salleh removed purely because he had protested about the public insults directed against the entire Judiciary by the head of the Executive. In any event, royal displeasure would not be a constitutionally valid ground for dismissal. Indeed, Mahathir advised the King as much in a letter written four days after this probably fictitious audience; however, the Prime Minister went further in the same letter to say that he would investigate Tun Salleh for any evidence of misbehaviour.
In any event, the King did not clear up the mystery and, in an audience with Tun Salleh, actually asked the latter to step down without giving reasons although the Conference of Rulers had already asked for his reinstatement. Amazingly, Tun Salleh was suspended and a Tribunal set up to determine his fate before any formal charges were laid.
The Constitution does not provide for the removal of a Lord President. While the Tribunal need not be an inappropriate means, its composition was to say the least, disgraceful. It was composed of six acting and retired judges, although the Constitution required an odd number to prevent deadlock. Of these - four from Malaysia, one from Sri Lanka and one from Singapore - only the Sri Lankan enjoyed a rank comparable to Tun Salleh's. This was contrary to the very reasonable dictum that one should be tried by one's peers rather than one's juniors.
The fact that two retired Lord Presidents of Malaysia were available but not invited was glaring. There were grave conflicts of interest with three of the Malaysian judges that should have disqualified them from sitting: Tan Sri Abdul Hamid who was next in line to succeed as Lord President and who had also participated in the conference of 20 judges which resulted in the letter to the King; Tan Sri Zahir who, being also the Speaker of the Lower House, was beholden to Mahathir, the principal complainant in the matter at hand; and Tan Sri Abdul Aziz who, although a former judge, was then a practising lawyer and, more incredibly, had two suits pending against him at that time.
But Tun Salleh's objections were ignored and when the Bar Council issued a statement calling for the Tribunal to be re-constituted, both the New Straits Times and The Star refused to publish it. Further, it was decided that the Tribunal would sit in closed sessions although Tun Salleh had requested a public hearing.
The charges, when finally published, were manifestly absurd. Running over 12 sheets of paper, it was clear that quantity had been substituted where quality was lacking, and some of them actually related to Tun Salleh's behaviour after suspension. Many of them related to his speeches and press interviews, whereby sinister meanings were imputed to various innocuous comments that he had made.
To cite an instance, in a speech at the University of Malaya, he had said: "The role of the courts is very important to bring about public order. If there is no public order there will be chaos in this country and if there is chaos, no one can feel safe" On this basis, Tun Salleh was charged with making statements criticizing the Government which displayed prejudice and bias against the latter.
Another statement of his, "In a democratic system, the courts play a prominent role as agent of stability but they can perform this function only if judges are trusted," resulted in the charge that he had ridiculed the Government by imputing that it did not trust the judges. These charges were doubly ludicrous in the light of Mahathir's many poisonous attacks against the Judiciary.
It is not surprising that Tun Salleh, after reading this catalogue of fantasy crimes, refused to appear before what was so evidently a kangaroo court. The Tribunal, after refusing representations made by Raja Aziz, Tun Salleh's leading counsel, that it had no constitutional validity to sit, chose instead to proceed so hastily that it wound up deliberations, including the examination of witnesses with just four hours work.
As it prepared to issue its Report, Tun Salleh's lawyers sought an urgent stay of proceedings in the High Court. This would normally be granted immediately at the least possibility that an injustice may be about to be done but, here, events turned into utter farce.
Instead of immediately reaching a decision as expected, the presiding judge, Datuk Ajaib Singh, after the court had been in languorous session the whole day that Friday, adjourned hearings for 9.30 am the next day. On Saturday however, the judge emerged in court only at 11.50 am and, even then, postponed hearings again for the Monday!
In desperation, Tun Salleh's lawyers, knowing that the Tribunal could easily release its Report before then, sought the assistance of Supreme Court judge, Tan Sri Wan Suleiman, in his Chambers. The latter agreed to hear them in open court in half an hour's time and called a quorum of all remaining Supreme Court, one of whom, Tan Sri Hashim Yeop, refused to sit.
The soap opera reached an apogee of ridiculousness when Tan Sri Abdul Hamid, head of the Tribunal and Acting Lord President, gave orders for the doors of Supreme Court to be locked and for the seal of the Supreme Court to be secreted away!
Undeterred, the five Supreme Court judges ordered the policeman on duty to open the door forthwith. After less than half an hour, the Court ordered the Tribunal not to submit any recommendation, report or advice to the King. Tun Salleh's lawyers were typing the Order to serve personally to the Tribunal at Parliament House when news arrived that the gates of Parliament House had been locked! At this point, Justice Wan Suleiman rose to the occasion and, calling the office of the Inspector General of Police, told a senior officer that any impediment to serving the Order would constitute contempt of court.
The gates of Parliament swung open and, at 4 pm, Raja Aziz and his team served the Order to the Tribunal members who were found to be still hard at work on a word-processor that Saturday afternoon. All six members accepted service without complaint…. four days later, all five Supreme Court judges were suspended.
Almost every rule that was broken to suspend Tun Salleh was broken again to suspend them. The prohibition order they had made were revoked within days. A second Tribunal eventually reinstated three of the judge: Tan Sri Azmi Kamaruddin, Tan Sri Eusoff Abdoolcader and Tan Sri Wan Hamzah but Tan Sri Wan Suleiman and Datuk George Edward Seah were removed from office.
The UMNO Eleven case was quickly dismissed. The removal of Tun Salleh also saw the resignation of Deputy PM Datuk Musa Hitam who, according to popular wisdom, could no longer stomach Mahathir's ways.
2 comments:
Please allow me to introduce you to Dr.Jeffry Kitingan. Dr.Jeffry Kitingan is a Christian Kadazan from Sabah. Dr.Jeffry Kitingan graduated from Harvard University. The Hindu Malaysians and Dr.Jeffry Kitingan have more things in common than we probably realize.
Dr.Jeffry, in the past, was detained under the infamous ISA. Many Hindu Malaysians and Chinese Malaysians, in the past, have also been detained under the ISA.
Dr.Jeffry Kitingan is a Christian Kadazan, and thus, a non-Muslim. Hindu Malaysians and Chinese Malaysians are also non-Muslim Malaysians. That is, both Dr.Jeffry and Hindu Malaysians and Chinese Malaysians are non-Muslims.
Hindu Malaysians and Chinese Malaysians have tried many political parties to seek better representation. Dr.Jeffry Kitingan also has tried many political parties before bringing together his Borneo Agenda/United Borneo Front and Third Front in Malaysian politics. I think, for Sabah, they must choose between Malaysia First or Sabah First. If the Sabahans cannot get the Federal government to accept Malaysia First at all levels, then the same Sabahans must go for secession by insisting on Sabah First. Sabah First means secession. In short, Malaysia first or secession for Sabah.
When Mr.Lee Kuan Yew, in the 1960's, insisted on Malaysia First at all levels, the honorable Tunku Abdul Rahman responded by expelling Singapore from the Federation. Now we have Dr.Jeffrey Kitingan from Sabah who has his Borneo Agenda/United Borneo Front. We will wait and see what happens? Will the Federal government expel Sabah from the Federation? If the Federal government expels Sabah from the Federation, then it may be good news for Sabahans. We will wait and see.
Now, let's discuss the Malay Regiment. Tha Malay regiment has nothing to do with Malaysia First. Unlike other Malaysian Regiments, the Malay Regiment is a special regiment. The Malay Regiment is the only regiment that is allowed to recruit Muslims and Malays. Yes, only Muslims and Malays. Why only Muslims and Malays? The Malay regiment is a segregated regiment. Why? The Malaysian armed forces must be integrated. We, the non-Muslims, need an answer. It is all about Malaysia first or Islam first. The non-Muslim Malaysians need unambiguous answers. Does the Malay Regiment serve the Muslims or Malaysia? Does the Malay Regiment fight for Malaysia or Islam? The Malay Regiment has to choose between Islam and Malaysia because they cannot have both. As a matter of fact, all Malaysian citizens should put Malaysia first. Even the King/Agung should always put Malaysia first. Even the Constitution of Malaysia should put Malaysia above everything else.
Dr.Jeffry Kitingan has often been called a frog because he has hopped from one political party to another. He most certainly is a frog. There are advantages at hopping from one political party to another. Being branded a frog is sometimes the best thing. Each time you move from one political party to another, you gain experience. Thus, he has gained a lot of experience. Through trial and error he has learned a lot.
Thomas Alva Edison said, "I have not failed. I've just found 10,000 ways that won't work". Robert F. Kennedy said, " Only those who dare to fail greatly can ever achieve greatly".
Failure is success if we learn from it. I am sure Dr.Jeffry Kitingan has learned a lot. I hereby would like to ask all Hindu Malaysians to give their support to Dr.Jeffry Kitingan. . I hereby would like to ask all Hindu Malaysians to form an alliance with Dr.Jeffry Kitingan. May he help to create a Malaysia where Malaysian citizens will put Malaysia first. May he help to create a Third Front in Malaysian politics. May all Malaysians who believe that changing faith is an inviolable human right to be supportive of Dr.Jeffry Kitingan.
Thomas Alva Edison said, "I have not failed. I've just found 10,000 ways that won't work". Robert F. Kennedy said, " Only those who dare to fail greatly can ever achieve greatly".
Failure is success if we learn from it. I am sure Dr.Jeffry Kitingan has learned a lot. I hereby would like to ask all Hindu Malaysians to give their support to Dr.Jeffry Kitingan. . I hereby would like to ask all Hindu Malaysians to form an alliance with Dr.Jeffry Kitingan. May he help to create a Malaysia where Malaysian citizens will put Malaysia first. May he help to create a Third Front in Malaysian politics. May all Malaysians who believe that changing faith is an inviolable human right to be supportive of Dr.Jeffry Kitingan.
If the Malaysian government does not put Malaysia first, then Sabah must take the next step; the next step is to completely secede from Malaysia. So, the step by step Sabah plan should be "Malaysia first or secede from Malaysia". It is only fair that Sabah try Malaysia first. Everybody has to put Malaysia first. The Prime Minister has to put Malaysia first. The National Parliament has to put Malaysia first. The Agung/King has to put Malaysia first. The Malaysian armed forces has to put Malaysia first. Malaysia first or secede from Malaysia. I hope all Hindu Malaysians will be supportive of Dr.Jeffry Kitingan.
Now for the important part. A politician needs both local and international support. Dr.Jeffry Kitingan also needs local and international support. It will be the onus of Dr.Kitingan to get support from Sabahans and Sarawakians. That leaves behind international support. It will be the onus of Chinese and Hindu Malaysians to get him support from China and India. It will be the onus of the Christian Malaysians to get him his Western support. Therefore, it is time for the Chinese and Hindu Malaysians to get him support from China and India. Dr.Kitingan can use Chinese Malaysians and Hindu Malaysians to improve his relations with China and India, which will be for the benefit of Sabah First. Dr.Kitingan's trials and tribulations should be explained to China and India. It is time for Chinese and Hindu Malaysians to contact China and India and urge them to keep an eye on this Christian Kadazan Sabahan, Dr.Jeffry Kitingan. With every passing day both China and India are growing socially, politically, and economically; and Dr.Jeffry Kitingan, if he puts Sabah First, will be well advised to improve ties with China and India.
Please pass the word around to all Hindu Malaysians to keep an eye on Dr.Jeffry Kitingan at the political level. Dr.Jeffry Kitingan is a Christian and therefore all Christian Malaysians should be supportive of him. Either the Federal government put Malaysia first or they allow Sabah to secede. That's it. Please feel free to copy and re-mail this composition to anybody.
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